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MEMOIRS 

OF THE 

INCLUDING- 

A NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION 

/ 

OF 

GENERAL XAVIER MINA. 

WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS 
ON THE 

PRACTICABILITY OF OPENING A COMMERCE 

BETWEEN 

THE PACIFIC AND ATLANTIC OCEANS, 

THROUGH THE MEXICAN ISTHMUS IN THE PROVINCE OF OAXACA, 
AND AT THE LAKE OF NICARAGUA J 

AND 

ON THE FUTURE IMPORTANCE OF SUCH COMMERCE 

TO 

THE CIVILIZED WORLD, 

AND MORE ESPECIALLY TO 

THE UNITED STATES. 



BY WILLIAM DAVIS ROBINSON. 



PHILADELPHIA .- 
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 

LYDIA R. BAILEY, PRINTER. 
1820. 




r \ 



EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit. 

BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twenty-sixth day of July, 
(L. S.) in the forty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of 
America, A. D. 1820, Wilxiam: Davis Robinson, of the said Dis- 
trict, hath deposited in this Office the Title of a Book, the right whereof he 
claims as Author, in the words following, to wit : 

" Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution : including a Narrative of the Ex- 
" pedition of General Xavier Mina. With some observations on the practi- 
" cability of opening a commerce between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, 
"through the Mexican Isthmus in the province of Oaxaca,fand at the Lake 
" of Nicaragua ; and on the future importance of such commerce to the ci- 
" vilized world, and more especially to the United States. By William Davis 
« Robinson." 

In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, intituled, 
" An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, 
charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the 
times therein mentioned." And also to the Act, entitled, " An Act supple- 
mentary to an Act, entitled, * An Act for the encouragement of learning, by 
securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprie- 
tors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the 
benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical 

and other prints." 

D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the 

Easter?i District of Pennsylvania. 



soii 



INTRODUCTION. 



IT is incumbent on every person who presents a statement 
of important events to the public, to unfold the sources from 
which he derives his information. The writer therefore, in the 
first instance, with great pleasure acknowledges his obligations 
to Mr. James A. Brush, a gentleman who accompanied general 
Mina from England to Mexico, and was finally appointed his 
commissary general. 

The journal of Mr. Brush was submitted to the inspection 
of the writer, with the liberty of making such use of it as was 
thought proper, and from it he compiled the narrative of the 
military operations of general Mina, of the fidelity of which 
not the least doubt exists in his mind ; indeed all the essen- 
tial facts contained in the narrative were fully corroborated by 
information derived from various sources, while he was in 
Mexico, and by the testimony of the few surviving officers of 
Mina's expedition, whom he met with in Mexico and in the 
United States, and who were carefully consulted on the subject. 

To John E. Howard, Esq., of Baltimore, he likewise feels 
under particular obligations, for having furnished him with 
the greater portion of the facts contained in the biographical 
sketch of Mina, and indeed for having infused into that sketch 
more animation than it would have been in his power alone to 
have given it. 

The perusal of the correspondence of Mina with various 
distinguished individuals in Europe and the United States, 
from which the writer obtained important information, was po- 
litely afforded him by general Winfield Scott, to whom he 
likewise begs leave to offer his acknowledgments. 

The writer has also examined, with much attention, files of 
the Mexican, Havana, and Madrid gazettes, for the last ten 
years, and however ridiculous or exaggerated may be their 



iv INTRODUCTION. 

statements of the operations of the royal forces against the pa- 
triots, one feature of the story, we may be assured, they have 
not too highly coloured — the cruelties exercised by them. 

It is from such indubitable sources, and others of a similar 
character, which were submitted to his inspection in Mexico, 
and other parts of Spanish America, as well as from personal 
observation, that the writer has been enabled to draw the dark- 
hued picture of Spanish inhumanity which is exhibited in the 
following pages. 

The information embodied in the chapter treating of the 
route to the Pacific ocean, has been derived from various Spa- 
nish and British authorities ; among the latter, William Wal- 
ton, Esq., of London, and the late celebrated Bryan Edwards, 
of Jamaica, deserve particular notice. Several important do- 
cuments relating to this subject, written by intelligent Creoles, 
were likewise placed in the writer's hands ; and he has fre- 
quently conversed with individuals who have visited or re- 
sided at the places which he has pointed out as being the most 
eligible for the cutting of canals, or the construction of roads, 
so as to give a rapid and certain communication between the 
Atlantic and Pacific oceans, more especially at the Isthmus of 
Tehuan tepee ; of the practicability of accomplishing which, at 
that place, personal investigation has also convinced him. 

As respects the general remarks on Mexico, and the situa- 
tion, political and civil, of the people of Spanish America, he 
has endeavoured to divest himself of those prejudices which 
a citizen of the United States may be supposed to entertain in 
favour of a people struggling against oppression, and to state 
faithfully what came under his own personal observation, as 
well with regard to royalists as revolutionists. 

It is now more than twenty-one years since he made his 
first visit to Spanish America; and as far as it has been in 
his power to gather information he has done so. If he could 
not obtain all that he desired, it arose from his having con- 
stantly to be upon his guard against the jealousies of the Spa- 
nish government, and from the difficulty of gaining access to 
the Spanish archives ; but nevertheless, he flatters himself the 



INTRODUCTION. V 

reader will find in the work now submitted to his inspection, 
some facts entitled to consideration, as well from their im- 
portance as novelty. 

It will naturally be asked, how he gained admission into 
the Spanish territories in America, in contravention to the 
laws of the Indies ? To this it is replied, that his first visit 
was to Caracas, in the year 1799, where he continued, in the 
prosecution of extensive mercantile engagements with the Spa- 
nish authorities, until the year 1806. Those engagements 
were with the approbation of his Catholic majesty, and conse- 
quently his residence in that country, during the time before 
mentioned, was under the royal sanction. The extraordinary 
manner in which his interests were sacrificed, and his personal 
rights outraged, by the bad faith and arbitrary conduct of the 
Spanish authorities in Caracas, will be found in a statement of 
his claims on the Spanish government, in the appendix to this 
volume, and to which he particularly refers such of his read- 
ers as may feel any curiosity to see the extent of the injuries 
he has suffered as a merchant, in his intercourse with the 
Spanish government. As respects his subsequent visits to 
the Spanish dominions, more especially to Mexico, he is 
perfectly aware that the government of Spain has said, and 
will continue to say, that such visits being contrary to her 
laws and her policy, she had a right to punish him for their 
infraction. She has, on several occasions during the last ten 
years, enforced those laws against foreigners, by imprisonment, 
and in some instances by death. 

When the Spanish general Morillo captured Carthagena, 
he seized all the British and other foreign merchants, threw 
them into dungeons, threatened to try them by a military tri- 
bunal, and would unquestionably have shot them, had it not 
been for the timely interference of the British admiral on the 
Jamaica station, who despatched a frigate to Carthagena, with 
such communications from the British authorities at Jamaica, 
as at once settled the question, and compelled Morillo instan- 
taneously to release all the British subjects. The American 
government likewise sent a vessel of war to Carthagena, and 
obtained the liberation of several American citizens. If these 



vi INTRODUCTION. 

measures had not been adopted, no mercy nor regard would 
have been extended to any foreigner who might unfortunately 
have fallen into the hands of the Spanish government, because 
not only by the " Leyes de las Indias" was it a capital crime 
for a foreigner to enter the Spanish dominions without a spe- 
cial authority from his Catholic majesty, but during the pre- 
sent revolutions in America, the Spanish government have is- 
sued various decrees, expressly declaring that all strangers 
aiding the insurgents, or found residing among them, were to 
be punished as insurgents, by death. If these decrees have 
not been executed by the Spanish government, it was by no 
means for lack of disposition, but from the apprehension of the 
resentment of those governments whose subjects and citizens 
held intercourse with the insurgents. 

■s The writer has been thus particular in stating these facts, be- 
cause they show that any individual, not engaged in the military 
or naval service of the insurgents of Spanish America, is under 
the protection of the laws of nations in favour of all non-com- 
batants ; and that any attempt on the part of Spain to infringe 
this security is a violation of the usages of civilized nations, 
and a direct outrage against that nation whose subjects may 
have been thus wantonly punished. It is not only on these 
principles that the writer feels justified in complaining of the 
barbarous treatment he has received from the Spanish govern- 
ment, during an imprisonment of tzvo years and a half but 
because there are some peculiar circumstances attending the 
affair, which, if he is not much mistaken, will excite the indig- 
nation and surprise of every unprejudiced reader. 

The recital of this case has become the more necessary, 
because, during his imprisonment in the dungeons of Mexico, 
he was honoured with the sympathy of his fellow citizens, 
and the interference of his government in his behalf. He 
therefore deems it incumbent upon him to prove that he 
was not undeserving of such sympathy and protection. In 
addition to this, he is anxious to remove all doubts with re- 
gard to his conduct, that may have arisen from the misrepre- 
sentations made in the public newspapers respecting him; for 
in some of these he has been called Doctor Robinson, and in 



INTRODUCTION. v ii 

others it has been asserted that he held a military command in 
the service of the Mexican insurgents, and was taken prisoner 
on the field of battle. The writer has not in any one instance 
violated his neutral obligations as a citizen of the United 
States. But while making this assertion, he does not at all 
hesitate openly to avow, that if an ardent desire to promote 
the independence of all Spanish America, and more especially 
of Mexico, constitutes him an enemy of Spain, and criminal 
in her eyes, — then he is guilty. If the fact of his having visit- 
ed New Grenada, Caracas, and Mexico, during the political 
commotions of those countries, for the purpose of ascertaining 
their actual condition, and of succouring the revolutionists, as 
a neutral merchant, by all fair and honourable means, renders 
him an enemy to Spain, — then is he her enemy. If cherish- 
ing those sentiments, and a determination to persevere in pro- 
moting the independence of South America and Mexico, by 
every means in his power, consistent with his duties as a citi- 
zen of the United States, proves him to entertain criminal 
intentions towards the Spanish government, — then indeed is 
he criminal. 

Having thus acknowledged all that the government of Spain 
can possibly lay to his charge, he now invites the attention of 
the reader to the following detail of facts. 

On the 4th of March, 1816, he embarked at New Orleans on 
board the United States' brig of war Saranac, commanded bv 
John H. Elton, Esq., bound on a cruise in the Gulf of Mexico. 
When he applied for a passage, he stated to the naval com- 
mander on that station, commodore Patterson, that he wished 
to be landed on the Mexican coast, for the purpose of having 
an interview with some of the Mexican authorities, on whom 
he had drafts for a large amount of money, due to certain 
merchants in the United States. His request was politely 
acceded to, and captain Elton received directions accordingly-. 
The writer premises this, to show that he did not depart from 
the United States in an unauthorized manner, or with an ille- 
gal object in view. 

On the 4th of the ensuing month, he was landed from the 
Saranac, at BoquUlade Piec/ra, a post then in possession of the 



viii INTRODUCTION. 

revolutionists, on the coast of Vera Cruz. He thence pro- 
ceeded to the head-quarters of Don Guadalupe Victoria, com- 
mandant general of the patriot forces in the province of Vera 
Cruz, who received him in the most friendly manner. Upon 
his explaining the object of his visit to Mexico, general Vic- 
toria observed, that although he was unable immediately to 
pay the drafts on the Mexican government, yet if the writer 
would remain a few weeks in the country, payment should 
be made. He was more readily induced to wait, as he was 
desirous to view the interesting country in which he then 
was, and likewise to acquire correct information respecting 
the political state of affairs, in the expectation that it might be 
such as would justify his entering into some commercial ar- 
rangements as well with the government as with individuals. 
But he soon discovered that the representations made to him 
at New Orleans by the Mexican minister, Don Jose Herrera, 
and by Don Alvarez Toledo, were destitute of foundation, and 
indeed that in many points they had deceived him. However, 
as he received some flattering accounts of the situation of 
the patriots in the interior, and had a prospect of obtaining 
the payment of his drafts at a place called Tehuacan, he pro- 
ceeded thither, and was received with every mark of civility 
by the patriot commandant, Don Manuel Mier y Teran, who 
accepted and paid part of the drafts, and promised to discharge 
the residue in a short time. 

He remained at Tehuacan until the last of July, and was 
treated with the greatest hospitality and attention, as well 
by the general as by the respectable Creoles of the country. 
At this place he met with Doctor John Hamilton Robinson, 
who was then a brigadier general in the service of the Mexi- 
can patriots, and who had long been a very obnoxious indivi- 
dual to the Spanish government ; a circumstance to which he 
owes in part his subsequent persecution by the Spanish autho- 
rities in Mexico. 

The writer communicated to general Teran his desire to 
return to the United States ; but as the royalists had recently 
been successful in the province of Vera Cruz, and had im- 
peded all communication between Tehuacan and the coast, it 




INTRODUCTION. ix 

became impossible to return by the way of Boquilla de Piedra; 
and as Teran was about to undertake an expedition against the 
port of Guasacualco, at the bottom of the Mexican Gulf, on 
the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, he resolved to avail himself of 
that opportunity to leave the country. The conduct of general 
Teran on that expedition, and the circumstances which caused 
its failure, will be found detailed in Chapter V. of this work. 

A few days after Teran had left Tehuacan, on his enter- 
prise against Guasacualco, he followed with his servant, in 
company with a detachment of troops, who were escorting 
a sum of money. About sixty leagues from Tehuacan, we 
came up with Teran, who informed the writer that he had 
met with no difficulties in his route, that the few troops which 
the enemy usually kept in that part of the country had either 
fled or joined him, and that, as all the Indians were in his 
favour, he was confident of reaching Guasacualco in a few 
days. This information afforded satisfaction to the writer, 
because, although he was a non-combatant, he was aware that 
in the event of a battle, no respect would be shown by the 
royalists to any person who might fall into their hands. 

On the morning of the 8th of September, Teran took pos- 
session of the village of Pla'ya Vicente, situated on a branch of 
the river Tustepec, which the enemy had abandoned the day 
previous. The body of the patriot army encamped on the bank 
of the river opposite to the village; intending to cross the river 
in the evening, on rafts to be constructed for the purpose. In 
the meantime, the general, unapprehensive of danger, passed 
over to the village, with about fifteen men. The writer had 
accompanied him, and was regaling himself with eating pine- 
apples, in a garden at the extremity of the village, when a 
sudden discharge of musketry aroused him from his feelings 
of security. He immediately beheld Teran and his little party 
defending themselves against a considerable body of the ene- 
my. The conflict was short. Teran, with one or two of his 
men, escaped to the river, and swam across, amidst a shower 
of balls. The rest of the party were cut to pieces. 

During this perilous affair, the writer effected his retreat to 
a small thicket, which afforded him security for the time. He 



X INTRODUCTION. 

here had ample leisure to reflect upon his situation, and the 
course which he should adopt to obtain ultimate safety. He 
conceived it possible that Teran would attack and recapture 
the village, in which case he might again have an opportu- 
nity of pursuing his route to Guasacualeo ; and continued 
to flatter himself with this delusive hope for Jive days, when 
he became so exhausted by hunger that he could scarcely 
move. In this wretched condition, and on the point of perish- 
ing in the woods, he determined to deliver up his person to the 
royalists. Accordingly, on the evening of the 12th of Septem- 
ber, he crawled from his place of concealment, reached the road 
to the village, and with great difficulty walked to the head- 
quarters of the royalists. Being almost covered with mud, and 
fainting under fatigue and hunger, his appearance and situation 
excited the surprise and sympathy of the Spanish officers, par- 
ticularly of the commander, Ortega i who in a friendly manner 
took him by the hand, and inquired his name. As soon as it 
was mentioned, the officers exclaimed, " Thank God ! (gracias 
a Dios) Doctor Robinson has at last fallen into our hands." 
They wished to interrogate the writer Very particularly; but 
he declined replying, and requested they would suspend their 
inquiries until the next morning, for the want of sleep and food 
had rendered it impossible for him at that moment to gratify 
their curiosity. They acceded to his wishes, and supplied him 
with food, a change of clothes, and a hammock in their quar- 
ters. The following morning he arose perfectly refreshed, 
and was prepared to go through the scene which he anticipat- 
ed. He endeavoured, in the first place, to convince the com- 
mander, Ortega, that he was a different individual from Doc- 
tor Robinson ; for which purpose he exhibited his passport 
from the government of the United States : but he found it 
impossible to remove from the minds of the Spanish officers 
the fixed impression that he was the Doctor. After some 
amicable discussion, Ortega suddenly assumed a stern aspect, 
and informed him that his orders were of the most peremp- 
tory nature to put to death all prisoners who fell into his 
hands; and that he was empowered to deviate from them only 
when an insurgent voluntarily surrendered his person, and 



INTRODUCTION. x j 

Implored the benefit of his Catholic majesty's pardon, (indul- 
to. J He continued, " In your case, Doctor Robinson, although 
your presenting yourself to the Spanish authorities has been 
the result of necessity, yet I am willing to spare your life, 
provided you claim the protection of the indulto ; but other- 
wise, it becomes my painful duty to put you to death." At 
this critical moment, the eyes of all the Spanish officers were 
fixed on the writer, who was sensible that on his acceptance or 
rejection of the proposed terms depended his fate. It was 
answered, in the first place, that as he had not borne arms 
against his Catholic majesty, nor had done any act in violation 
of his neutral character as a citizen of the United States, hav* 
ing been among the insurgents as a foreigner and a non-com- 
batant, he considered himself under the safeguard of the laws 
of nations, and exempt from being considered or treated as an 
enemy of his Catholic majesty; and secondly, that he felt a 
repugnance to ask for the benefit of the royal indulto, because 
he should thereby tacitly acknowledge himself to be an insur- 
gent. Ortega then said, with a great deal of heat, " Sir, you 
have been among the insurgents, and must be treated as one; 
therefore, I once more tender to you the clemency of my so- 
vereign." Perceiving that remonstrance was vain, and that 
obstinacy in refusing the proffered offer would inevitably lead 
to the threatened vengeance, the writer was induced to avail 
himself of the benefit of the indulto. Immediately thereupon, 
Ortega shook him by the hand with great cordiality, and in 
the presence of his officers and soldiers extended to him the 
indulto of his Catholic majesty. He was then permitted to 
walk about the village, and indeed no restraint was laid upon 
his person: he eould therefore have easily escaped; but as he 
had pledged his honour not to violate the conditions of the 
indulto, presuming that it would be honourably fulfilled on 
the part of the Spanish government, he was morally withheld 
from thinking of such an attempt; in fact, it was not his wish 
to do so, particularly as he expected to be at liberty to proceed 
to Vera Cruz, and embark for the United States. On applying 
to the commander for permission to depart, he declared that it 
was not in his power to grant it, until he heard from the com- 



xii INTRODUCTION. 

mander-in-chief of the province of Oaxaca, to whom he would 
write on the subject. 

On the 22nd of the month, the answer came from Oaxaca; 
but instead of the writer's request to permit him to proceed 
to Vera Cruz being acceded to, Ortega was ordered to send 
him under a strong escort to the city of Oaxaca. This mea- 
sure excited his surprise, and he immediately suspected that 
it was the intention of the government to withdraw from him 
the protection of the royal induito. On the 23d, he proceeded 
on his route to Oaxaca, escorted by a body of cavalry. He 
was furnished with a good horse, and treated with every pos- 
sible kindness, but both by day and night was closely watched. 

In all the villages through which he passed, he received the 
most hospitable attentions from the inhabitants; but when they 
understood that he had delivered up his person on the faith of 
the royal induito, and was still treated as a prisoner, they 
shook their heads, and appeared to anticipate his fate. Some 
of these generous Creoles offered, at the hazard of their lives, 
to assist him in making his escape; but as he had not yet re- 
ceived any positive proof of the intentions of the government, 
he determined on his part faithfully to adhere to the conditions 
of the induito. 

On the evening of the 27th, he arrived at the city of Oaxaca, 
and was conducted to the government house, where he was 
presented to the commander-in-chief, Don Manuel Obesa, 
who received him with great kindness. He stated that it was 
his intention to send the writer to the city of Mexico, where 
his excellency the viceroij would determine -whether he was ens- 
titled to the benefit of the royal induito, or not. On the writer's 
expressing his astonishment at such a breach of good faith., 
general Obesa observed that it was sometimes expedient for 
the viceroy to withhold the benefit of the indultos that had 
been granted by his officers, but he hoped that in the present 
case it would be sacredly fulfilled. He added, that the writer 
must remain in Oaxaca until arrangements were made for 
conducting him to the city of Mexico ; and that, in order to 
prevent his being- insulted by the populace, a cell should be 
fitted up for his reception in the convent of St. Domingo, and 



INTRODUCTION. xiii 

a Strang guard be stationed there for his protection. Hav- 
ing thanked him for such peculiar marks of his politeness, 
the writer was conducted to the convent, and placed in a cell 
which wore the appearance of a dungeon. A soldier was sta- 
tioned at the door, and another at the window. The head of 
the convent was a worthy friar, (Don Nicolas Medina) whose 
countenance indicated that he could cherish benevolent feel- 
ings even towards a heretic : his subsequent conduct, and that 
of all the friars of the institution, was marked with the most 
hospitable and generous attentions. 

On the 28th, the commander, his secretary, and the inten- 
dant of the province, visited the writer, for the purpose of in- 
terrogating him, and of taking his declaration as to the motives 
which had induced him to visit the country. To the latter 
point he candidly replied by stating the facts as they have been 
previously narrated, but declined answering many of the in- 
terrogatories, particularly such as related to the situation and 
views of the insurgents. He considered many of the questions 
indelicate and ungenerous, more especially as he was deprived 
of the benefit of the royal indulto, and treated as a prisoner. 
The commander appeared sensible of the force of these ob- 
jections, and did not press his inquiries further; but observed, 
that if the writer hoped to be restored to liberty, he must first 
give some proof of his no longer being a friend to the insur- 
gents. After a few more remarks, tending to inspire him 
with confidence in the honour and clemency of the viceroy, 
the commander departed. 

.The next day, he was visited by nearly all the principal ec- 
clesiastics of the city, who vied with the friar Medina in their 
friendly treatment of him, offering him money, apparel, and 
every thing to make his situation as comfortable as possible. 
The principal inhabitants of Oaxaca also honoured him with 
their visits; and indeed all classes of society appeared to take 
an interest in his situation, expressing their regret that he was 
not at liberty. It soon became manifest that the commander's 
precautions to prevent the writer from receiving insult were 
entirely superfluous, and that they were probably intended to 
hinder the populace from giving him more solid evidence of 



Xiv INTRODUCTION. 

their regard and sympathy than mere expressions of condo- 
lence. 

Having been refused permission to breathe the fresh air of 
the convent garden, the writer became more urgent to be sent 
to Mexico, that he might not any longer be kept in suspense 
as to his fate. At length, after having been confined in the 
convent fourteen weeks, an order was received from the vice- 
roy to send him under a strong guard to the capital. Accord- 
ingly, he left Oaxaca, under an escort of sixty infantry and 
about seventy cavalry ; but after proceeding a four days' jour- 
ney on the route to the city, a courier from the viceroy brought 
orders to conduct him back to Oaxaca, and thence to Vera 
Cruz. Although he was disappointed in thus being debarred 
an interview with the viceroy in the Mexican capital, yet he 
was cheered with the hope, that on his arrival at Vera Cruz, 
he would be permitted to depart for the United States. 

On returning to the city of Oaxaca, he was placed in his 
old quarters in the convent; and, after the lapse of a few days, 
was sent, under the orders of a Spanish officer and a body of 
cavalry, to Vera Cruz, where he arrived on the 3d of Febru- 
ary, 1817'. On being presented to the governor, Don Jose 
Davila, he expressed great regret that he had instructions to 
confine the writer in the fortress of San yuan de Ulna, until 
further orders should be received from the viceroy. It was in 
vain to remonstrate against this cruel order ; but nevertheless 
he expressed his indignation at the perfidious conduct of the 
viceroy in such strong terms, that governor Davila and his 
officers looked at him with surprise, and asked him how he 
dared to speak so disrespectfully of so exalted a personage as 
the viceroy of New Spain. After making a reply which in- 
censed them still more, he was ordered to proceed to the for- 
tress, and there behave with proper humility, otherwise they 
would take measures to punish him for his presumption. 
The officer who conducted him to the castle gave him a de- 
scription of the barbarous character of the officer in command 
of the fortress, Echaragari, and cautioned him to beware of 
provoking his ire by repeating such expressions as he had 
used to governor Davila. The moment the writer beheld the 



INTRODUCTION. XV 

countenance of this officer, he needed no other evidence of the 
ferocious soul that beamed in its every line. The adjutant of 
the castle was ordered to conduct him to his allotted apartment, 
which was a small room, or state dungeon, under one of the 
arches of the ramparts. 

Were the writer to give a detail of his sufferings during a 
confinement of eleven months in that dreadful Bastile, it would 
be deemed incredible by his readers, unless any of them should 
have had the misfortune to have experienced incarceration 
among the Spaniards. Even in its mildest shape, it is worse 
than in any other civilized nation : but when we speak of the 
castles of San Juan de Ulua, and of Omoa, it must be under- 
stood that there are not to be found such mansions of horror 
in any other part of the world. They have not only been the 
sepulchres of thousands, but in their horrid dungeons cruelties 
have been practised as dreadful as the most heart-rending 
scenes of the secret caverns of the Inquisition. 

Had not the writer been blessed with an iron constitution,, 
and a flow of spirits difficult to be subdued, and had he not 
received some benevolent succours from Don Lorenzo Mur- 
phy, of Vera Cruz, he must inevitably have perished. During 
an illness of several weeks, with a violent hemorrhage that 
daily threatened to terminate his existence, he besought his 
savage jailer for medical aid, and for permission to be removed 
to the hospital : he met with a refusal. But he forbears to dwell 
on this painful subject, the thoughts of which fill him with 
such horror and conflicting emotions, that his perturbed mind 
cannot collect itself sufficiently to describe it. From the suffer- 
ings of the prisoners belonging to Mina's expedition, who were 
confined in this infernal prison, which will be found related 
in the following pages, he must leave the reader to form some 
idea of the trials through which he had to pass. 

The only consolation he experienced during his protracted 
imprisonment, was in a visit from lieutenant Porter, com- 
mander of the United States' brig Boxer. Arriving at Vera 
Cruz, in September, 1817, this officer obtained the permission 
of the governor to visit the writer ; but so fearful were they 
that he might discover the miserable situation of every thing 



xvi INTRODUCTION, 

that surrounded their prisoner, that they would not permit 
lieutenant Porter to enter the castle, but detained him at the 
landing place, whither the writer was conducted, under a guard, 
to the interview. It is not easy to describe his emotions, on 
seeing one of his own countrymen, on shaking him by the 
hand, and hearing from him that he had official instructions 
to request the Spanish authorities to release him. He then felt 
that he was not wholly abandoned by his country, and hoped 
soon to escape from the fangs of despotism. As an interpreter 
and other persons had been sent by the governor to be present 
at the interview, the conversation with lieutenant Porter was 
necessarily brief and cautious. The writer, however, freely 
expressed his indignation at the base and cruel treatment he 
had experienced ; and requested the lieutenant, that if he did 
not succeed in obtaining his liberation, to demand that the 
Spanish authorities should at least explain their motives for 
thus immuring within a dungeon a citizen of the United States, 
without a hearing or a trial. Lieutenant Porter endeavoured 
to console him, by assurances of a speedy release, and by pro- 
mising to repeat his visit. He also furnished him with some 
wine, bread, and fowls, which indeed were luxuries to one 
who for several months had been fed on a scanty allowance of 
musty beans and rice. 

On the termination of the interview, he was reconducted to 
his miserable apartment, and there was left to indulge in those 
reflections that beguile the hours of the captive when a ray of 
hope unexpectedly breaks in upon him. For many weeks 
previous to the arrival of lieutenant Porter, the writer had 
found his health and spirits rapidly declining ; and although 
he had endeavoured to repel the approach of despair, yet it is 
highly probable that that demon would have seized him, had 
not the prospect of deliverance at length appeared to reanimate 
his spirits. He not only became cheerful, but the gloomy walls 
within which he was enclosed were no longer viewed with 
horror; the voice of the surly sentinels no longer grated on his 
ears ; and so far did he indulge in visionary hopes and calcu- 
lations, that he almost ceased to remember that he was still a 
prisoner in the castle of San Juan de Ulua. 



INTRODUCTION. xvii 

These illusions were soon dispelled. The visit of lieutenant 
Porter was not repeated ; and after expecting him for twelve 
days, the writer was informed that he had sailed, after having 
been refused permission to repeat his visit. It was likewise 
communicated to him, that the application of lieutenant Porter 
for his release had proved ineffectual, the governor having 
answered, that he must consult the viceroy before such a step 
could be taken ; and as it was uncertain when instructions 
would be received from the capital, the lieutenant concluded 
that it was most proper to return to the United States, to re- 
ceive further instructions on the subject. 

The effects of this interposition of his government, although 
his immediate liberation did not follow, were of high impor- 
tance to the writer, not only in respect of the restoration of his 
health and spirits, but of the alteration of the conduct of the 
Spanish authorities. He became more firm and indignant in 
his representations to the governor of Vera Cruz and to the 
viceroy, the latter of whom at length resolved on sending him 
to Spain, to receive the decision of the king upon his case. 
When this information was communicated to him, about the 
last of December, 1817, it caused him almost as much joy as 
if his actual release had been announced ; for he had a pre- 
sentiment that if he could but get out of the castle of San Juan 
de Ulua, he should ultimately be freed from the clutches of 
Spain. So strong were his hopes in this point, that he did not 
permit a certain document, which had been confidentially 
placed in his hands, to cause him any uneasiness. This 
curious paper is now in his possession, and is in substance 
as follows : — 

" Mexico, May 21, 1817. 

" (secret and confidential) 

" The viceroy has avowed his intention not to grant Mr. 
Robinson the benefit of the royal indulto, but to send him to 
Spain; recommending to the authorities there his close confine- 
ment for life, because he has attained such a knoxvledge of the 
actual state of the insurrection in this country, and of the retfl 



xviii INTRODUCTION. 

dispositions of the Mexican subjects, that it would be highly 
dangerous to his Catholic majesty's interest ever to give the 
said Robinson an opportunity to publish such information 
abroad. This communication is made to Mr. R. for the pur- 
pose of apprizing him of the viceroy 's determination.'''' 

To the generous individual who at the hazard of his life 
made the above communication, the writer tenders his most 
grateful acknowledgments ; and if his name be not now dis- 
closed, the reasons for concealing it are obvious : but the 
period perhaps is not far distant, when the writer will be ena- 
bled with pride and pleasure to publish the name, without 
implicating the personal safety of him who bears it. The 
reader will find, in the sequel, that the recommendation of the 
viceroy was honoured with due attention by the king of Spain. 

Early in January, 1818, the writer was embarked at Vera 
Cruz, on board his Catholic majesty's frigate Iphigenia, des- 
tined for Spain. The commander of the ship did him the 
favour to separate him from the rest of the unfortunate prison- 
ers on board, and allotted him a place in the gun-room, with 
the officers. He was likewise furnished with food from the 
commander's table, and allowed to walk on the quarter-deck. 
For these attentions he shall ever feel grateful, as they ema- 
nated solely from principles of humanity. 

A few days after sailing from Vera Cruz, they encountered 
violent gales of wind; the frigate sprung a leak, and was com- 
pelled to bear away for Campeachy. So serious was the leak, 
that time was scarcely afforded to land the crew, and about 
two millions of dollars, before the vessel sunk at her anchor- 
age. The writer was conducted to tolerably comfortable 
quarters, and placed under a strong guard. He was there 
confined for five months: but as the pleasures and miseries of 
life are frequently augmented or diminished by our own com- 
parisons, he consoled himself with contrasting his imprison- 
ment at Campeachy with his sufferings at Vera Cruz ; and, 
with the aid of this reflection, passed the time cheerfully and 
in good health. The hospitable attentions he received from 



INTRODUCTION. xix 

several distinguished inhabitants of Campeachy will never be 
forgotten, and he shall feel the highest satisfaction should it 
ever be in his power to give them proofs of his gratitude. 

From Campeachy he was taken to Havana, in the Spanish 
sloop of war San Francisco. On his arrival there, he was 
conducted to the common jail, but was soon removed to the 
Moro castle, and placed in the most secure dungeon (calaboso) 
in the fortress. It was however spacious, and far superior to 
his quarters at San Juan de Ulua. The commander had very 
strict orders from the captain general respecting him, and was 
made responsible for the security of his person. He rigidly 
executed his orders, but his conduct generally was kind, and 
his amiable family honoured the writer with the most friendly 
attentions. The American citizens residing at Havana also 
treated him in the most generous manner, and, by furnishing 
him with the means of living comfortably, caused him to be- 
come a favourite with the officers on duty at the fortress, who 
generally made his dungeon their head-quarters. He remained 
in the Moro castle for nearly six months, making occasional 
remonstrances to the captain general in a tone that displeased 
his excellency, at the same time that they convinced him of 
the injustice of his government; and, in an interview with 
which the writer was honoured, at the castle, in December, 
1818, he succeeded in obtaining permission to breathe the 
fresh air on the ramparts. 

On the 13th of January, 1819, he was again embarked on 
board the Spanish brig of war Ligero, commanded by Don 
yuan jfose Martinez, destined for Cadiz. This worthy officer 
performed towards him, during the passage, every duty of 
generosity and humanity. He was frequently invited to the 
captain's table, treated in the most friendly manner, and was 
so fortunate as to gain his esteem. On their arrival at Cadiz, 
on the 21st of February, he was represented by that worthy 
man in so favourable a light to general O'Donnel, the gover- 
nor of that city, that when orders were sent on board the ves- 
sel for the removal on shore of the prisoners, of whom there 
were several beside himself, the writer was excepted, the adju- 



XX INTRODUCTION. 

tant of the governor informing him that he was at liberty to 
proceed to whatever quarter of the city he thought proper. 
This was cheering intelligence, inducing him to believe that 
his persecutions had reached their termination. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 22d, he landed, and 
proceeded to the house of Mr. Tunis, the American consul, 
who showed much satisfaction and surprise at his being at 
liberty. He went to a hotel, and passed the evening in reflect- 
ing on this unexpected good fortune. He had not the least 
suspicion of the reverse that was about to take place; for, had 
he not felt assured of perfect security from further molestation, 
he would undoubtedly have effected a precipitate departure; 
but, confiding in his innocence, and flattering himself that he 
should have an opportunity of obtaining redress at Madrid for 
his recent sufferings, he anticipated no ill. 

He retired early to rest, but was roused from sleep, about 
eleven o'clock at night, by a loud knocking at his door ; and 
on opening it, he was requested by a Spanish officer to dress 
himself speedily, and accompany him. He was then conduct- 
ed to a guard-house, where he was left to himself the remain- 
der of the night, to ponder the sudden alteration in the aspect 
of his affairs. The next day, he was taken to the castle of 
San Sebastian, and given in charge to the commandant. 

This sudden change in the conduct of the governor was thus 
explained. It appeared that he had forgotten a certain royal 
order, bearing date the 15th of October, 1818, which com- 
manded him, immediately on the arrival of the writer at Ca- 
diz, to send him to Ceuta, there to be confined in the citadel^ 
xvithout communication xvith any of the other prisoners in that 
fortress. But the governor's secretary, or some other of the 
persons employed about him, reminded him of the order, 
which occasioned the renewed imprisonment of the writer. 

To be sent to Ceuta, and there confined in the citadel, 
Avithout a hearing, convinced him that his Catholic majesty 
was determined to conform to the advice of the viceroy of 
New Spain. He had written, on the day of his arrival at Ca- 
diz, to the minister of the United States at Madrid, requesting 



INTRODUCTION. xxi 

his interference and protection ; and as he was uncertain what 
would be the result of this application, his first object was to 
endeavour to prevent his removal to Ceuta, until he should 
hear from Madrid ; for he was sensible that if he once reached 
the former place, his liberation from it would be very doubt- 
ful. He therefore requested the American consul to interpose 
his good offices, to acquaint the governor that the American 
minister had instructions from his government to demand the 
release of the writer, and to suggest to him the propriety of 
not removing him from Cadiz until his Catholic majesty's 
pleasure should be known. The governor politely listened to 
these representations; and the writer's apprehensions of being 
precipitately hurried off to Ceuta, were thus allayed. 

On the 25th of February, he addressed a letter to general 
O'Donnel, complaining in strong terms of the government of 
Spain, and begging that he would grant him the liberty of the 
city on his parole of honour, until intelligence should arrive 
from Madrid of the result of the American minister's applica- 
tion in his behalf. On the 28th, he was conducted to the go- 
vernment house, to have an interview with the general, who 
received him with great affability. His secretaries and clerks 
having withdrawn, the general entered into a frank conversa- 
tion with him, relative to the affairs of Mexico, as well as to 
his own peculiar situation. The countenance and manners of 
general O'Donnel inspired him with confidence ; and he was 
so fortunate as to create in the general a lively impression in 
his favour. After a short conversation, general O'Donnel 
called in his adjutant, and ordered him to accompany the 
writer to the castle of San Sebastian, with directions to the 
commander to permit him to leave it whenever he thought 
proper, and to reside in the city on his parole, until his Catho- 
lic majesty should otherwise determine. 

On the 4th of March, the writer received from the Ameri- 
can minister the following letter: — 

. " Madrid, February 27,1819. 
" Sir,— 

" Your letter of 21st instant, which should have reached me 

on the 25th, was not delivered till the 26th. I have this dav 



xxii INTRODUCTION. 

written to the first minister of state, (marquis of Casa Yrujo,) 
demanding, in pursuance of the orders of my government, long 
since received, your immediate release. 

" I have sent to that minister the statement of your case 
contained in your letter of June 4th, 1817, to the secretary of 
state of the United States, and have added in my note to the 
minister such other circumstances, drawn from your letter to 
me, as I thought might be useful. I have called to the recol- 
lection of the marquis his correspondence with the intendant 
of Venezuela, the better to distinguish you from Doctor John 
Hamilton Robinson ; adding my personal knowledge of you, 
in London, in the character of a merchant, (in the year 1801,) 
occupied, if I mistake not, in the affairs of your tobacco con- 
tract. At the suggestion of your friend Mr. Meade, I have 
also referred to Mr. Cagigal, formerly captain general of Ve- 
nezuela, and now resident at Santa Maria, near Cadiz, for 
information relating to your operations in that province during 
his administration, &c. &c. 

" Upon the whole, I hope that this representation may be 
attended with success ; but whatever may result from it, you 
shall be immediately informed. 

" With much esteem, Sir, 

" I am your obedient servant, 
" George W. Erving. 

" Mr. William D. Robinson,:' 

The receipt of Mr. Erving's letter inspired the writer 
with that confidence which a citizen of his country must 
ever feel, when he finds himself under the protection of his 
government. But on the evening of the 14th of March, an 
important circumstance occurred, which worked a total revo- 
lution in his affairs, and produced a corresponding change in 
his course of conduct. He was confidentially informed, that 
the governor of Cadiz had received, by a courier which ar- 
rived from Madrid that evening, a severe reprimand for hav- 
ing granted him the liberty of the city of Cadiz, and was di- 
rected immediately to secure his person, place him in the castle 
of San Sebastian, and thence send him in a vessel of xvar to 



INTRODUCTION. xxiii 

Ceata, to be confined in the citadel, conformably to his Ca- 
tholic majesty'' s order of the 15th of October, 1818. As the 
source whence this information was derived left no doubt of 
its correctness, the writer knew that if he did not take some 
precautionary steps, he should be arrested in a few hours. 
The emergency called for promptness of decision. He reflect- 
ed, on the one hand, that he was bound by the laws of honour 
not to violate the parole which he had given to general O'Don- 
nel : but on the other, he considered that the Spanish govern- 
ment was about to make him a victim of its perfidy and injus- 
tice. He knew that the issuing of an order for his imprison- 
ment at Ceuta, after the American minister had made a formal 
application for his release, was an unequivocal proof of a deli- 
berate intention to sacrifice him, by confinement in a place 
where he should even be deprived of the means of making a 
remonstrance, and whence he could never expect to be freed 
unless his government should adopt measures of the strongest 
kind ; and that, until such measures were adopted, he should 
be exposed to all the severities and dangers of Spanish incar- 
ceration. The horrors he had experienced in the castle of 
San Juan de Ulua were still fresh in his memory. 

Under all these circumstances, he determined on making an 
attempt to effect his escape ; but as the gates of the city were 
then closed, it was necessary to wait until the next morning. 
He departed from his lodgings about eight o'clock at night ; 
and in about an hour afterwards, the adjutant of the governor 
was sent to arrest him, but on finding him absent, left a polite 
message, that general O'Donnel wished to see him. The fol- 
lowing morning, he received information that a general search 
was making for him, and that it would be difficult to elude the 
vigilance of the guards posted at the gates. But these unpro- 
pitious circumstances did not deter him from his resolution, 
for a miscarriage could add but little to his misfortunes. 

It would perhaps be improper here to describe the mode of 
his escape, lest some of his friends or acquaintances might fall 
under the suspicion of having been accessary to it. He deems 
it necessary, however, to remark, that although several indi- 



xxiv INTRODUCTION. 

viduals in Cadiz knew of his intentions to escape, yet he did 
not implicate any one of them in the act. 

On the afternoon of the 15th of March, he succeeded in 
passing the gates of the city; and the same evening, was 
outside of the harbour, on board a vessel bearing the flag of 
his country. On the 19th, he reached Gibraltar, where he was 
received with every mark of friendship and hospitality, by 
Bernard Henry, Esq., American consul, Richard M'Call, navy 
agent of the United States, Horatio Sprague, Richard Gate- 
wood, Hill & Blodget, and by several other gentlemen ; to all 
of whom he begs leave to offer his sincere acknowledgments. 

A few days after his arrival at Gibraltar, a demand for his 
person was made by the Spanish government upon the gover- 
nor of that fortress. It is almost needless to say, that such a 
demand was looked upon as an absurdity. 

No longer under any apprehensions of falling again into the 
power of the Spaniards, and reflecting on the misrepresenta- 
tions that would probably be made respecting his conduct, and 
being desirous of manifesting to the Spanish government, as 
well as to his own, that although his departure from Cadiz was 
perfectly justifiable, yet he was still willing to submit to a fair 
and impartial investigation of his conduct, provided that a 
guarantee were given that he should not suffer any new per- 
sonal outrages, he addressed the following letter : — 

" Gibraltar, March 25, 1819. 
" Sir,— 

" For your excellency's information, I beg leave to enclose 
copies of my letters to the conde de Abisbal, governor of Ca- 
diz, and to the marquis Casa Yrujo, first minister of state. 

" I beg your excellency will pursue such measures as in 
your judgment may be necessary, under existing circum- 
stances, as well to sustain my honour as interests. 

" I shall be entirely guided by, and hope to be honoured 
with, your advice; and have only to observe, that if there 
should arise the least demur on the part of the Spanish go- 
vernment to give a formal and solemn assurance that neither 



INTRODUCTION. XXV 

my person nor rights shall be subject to further outrages, I 
mean in such case to make my arrangements for an early 
departure for the United States. I am without any of your 
excellency's communications since your letter of the 12th inst. 
" I remain, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" William D. Robinson. 

" To his Excellency George W. Erving, 

Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid," 

Under the same date, he wrote a letter to the conde de Abis- 
bal, of which the following are extracts : — 

" Sir,— 

" I am well aware that your excellency may reproach me, 
for having violated my word of honour, in having left Cadiz 
without your consent ; but I beg leave to state the following 
circumstances, which I flatter myself will be a complete justi- 
fication of that step, and showing at the same time that it be- 
came imperiously necessary for me to adopt it. 

" In the first place, my advices from Madrid, of the 9th 
instant, informed me that no answer had been given by the 
marquis Casa Yrujo to the demand for my release made by 
the minister of the United States at Madrid, on the 26th ult. 
A silence of twelve days, on such a point, not only appeared 
to me to be at variance with the principles of national courte- 
sy, but very clearly indicated an indisposition on the part of 
the marquis or his government to comply with the demand in 
question. 

" Secondly : I had indubitable information that there existed, 
in your excellency's possession, an order of his Catholic majes- 
ty, dated October 15, 1818, directing, that on my arrival at 
Cadiz, Izvas to be sent to Ceuta, and there rigorously confined 
in the citadel. When I reflected that the Chevalier Onis, 
minister plenipotentiary of Spain in the United States, had 
given to my government a solemn promise, that on my arrival 
in Spain, I 'should enjoy a liberal and impartial hearing, at 
Madrid, against any charges which the viceroy of New Spain 
may have adduced against me, and that, instead of such pro- 
4* 



xxvi INTRODUCTION. 

mise being honourably fulfilled, his Catholic majesty had issu- 
ed so unjust and recent an order as the one before mentioned, 
it was obvious to my mind that the Spanish government had 
a premeditated intention to sacrifice me. 

" Thirdly : on the 14th instant, at night, I obtained the most 
unequivocal information that your excellency had received 
certain secret orders from Madrid, again to arrest me, and to 
place me in security in the castle of San Sebastian, until an 
opportunity offered to send me to Centa. 

" Fourthly : on the night of the 14th, and on the morning of 
the 15th, I discovered that your excellency had adopted very- 
active steps to get possession of my person, doubtless for the 
purpose of carrying into effect your orders from Madrid. 

" The preceding four points embrace matters of a very deli- 
cate nature, and show the imperious necessity of the course I 
have adopted. ##*##### 

" Thirty months' imprisonment, in castles, jails, dungeons, 
and convents, without a hearing, or even the shadow of a le- 
gal trial, had taught me a bitter and serious lesson, and au- 
thorized me to suppose that the dungeons of Ceuta might 
close my mortal career. 

" We know that the sultans of the Ottoman empire, in the 
plenitude of their sublime functions, occasionally decapitate 
their vassals, and afterwards order the divan of Constantino- 
ple to examine and decide on the guilt or innocence of the vic- 
tim. God forbid, that Turkish usages should become the or- 
der of the day in any part of the Christian world ; but I pre- 
sume your excellency will coincide with me in opinion, that 
there is no essential difference between imprisoning an indi- 
vidual for an. indefinite period, without a hearing or trial, and 
taking off his head according to the usages of the Turks. 

" I trust your excellency will find in the preceding reflec- 
tions an ample apology, if not a justification, of the step which 
I have taken. I shall always bear a grateful recollection of 
vour excellency's very liberal conduct towards me, at Cadiz, 
and I flatter myself, that neither your conscience nor reputa- 
tion will ever suffer, from your having manifested a repug- 
nance to be the subordinate instrument of executing decrees, 



INTRODUCTION. xxvii 

unjust and barbarous, and marked by a spirit of anticiviliza- 
tion in all their features. 

" I beg leave to enclose a copy of my letter of this date to 
the marquis Casa Yrujo, for your information, and have the 
honour to be, with great respect, 

" Your excellency's obedient servant, 

" William D. Robinson. 

il To his Excellency the Conde de Abisbal, 

Captain general of Andalusia, Governor of Cadiz, &c. &?c." 



" Gibraltar, March 25, 1820. 
"Sir,— 

u It has been represented to me that your excellency, in 
your public and private character, has developed a strong an- 
tipathy towards the government and citizens of the United 
States, but when I reflect on your excellency's distinguished 
talents and acquirements, on the long course of your diploma- 
tic career, and on your having mixed so much in the civilized 
world, I can scarcely think it possible, that the imputation be- 
fore suggested is correct. It will afford me much pleasure to 
find it unjust. 

" I have now the honour to enclose for your excellency's 
information, a copy of my letter to the governor of Cadiz, in 
justification of my having departed from that city without his 
consent. I have sent a copy of the same to the American 
minister, and shall send another to the government of the Uni- 
ted States. 

" I feel most particularly anxious, sir, to be allowed a pub- 
lic opportunity to vindicate my conduct and character against 
any charges which the viceroy of New Spain may have un- 
justly and illiberally adduced against me, and I wish to have 
an opportunity of proving how very often the viceroys, cap- 
tain generals, and other authorities in Spanish America, make 
Olympian mountains out of molehills. 

" I am desirous, sir, of convincing the Spanish government, 
as well as my own, that I have been most unjustly persecuted 
and cruelly treated ; and I likewise desire to prove, that I 



xxviii INTRODUCTION, 

have rendered most important services to your government, 
which terminated in my ruin, in the years 1804 and 1805, and 
that I have now the most indisputable claims on your govern- 
ment for more than half a million of dollars. To attain those 
objects it is only necessary for me to have a liberal and im- 
partial hearing. 

" If I have committed any errors, I will submit to make a 
corresponding atonement. I do not supplicate favours or in- 
dulgences. I demand a rigid scrutiny into my conduct ; but 
I must require such scrutiny to be made with a due regard to 
my person and rights, as a citizen of the United States. 

" Under these circumstances, sir, I solicit his Catholic ma- 
jesty to grant me a fair and liberal hearing ; and that he will 
condescend to give a solemn assurance to the minister of the 
United States at Madrid, that I shall not suffer any further 
acts of personal violence or outrage, on the part of the Spanish 
government. ' 

" If such assurance is given with the solemnity suggested, 
I will not hesitate a moment in returning to Spain ; but if, 
from any motives whatsoever, such assurance is withheld, I 
will in such case enter my solemn protest against all whom it 
may concern, and indulge hopes of obtaining eventual redress, 
through the intervention of my own government. 

" I have the honour to be, with due respect, 
" Your excellency*^ obedient humble servant, 
"William D. Robinson, 

" To his Excellency the Marquis Casa Yrujo, 

First Minister of State, £s?c. Q?e." 

The Spanish minister, immediately on the receipt of the pre- 
ceding communications, addressed the following note to the 
American minister : — > 

translation. 

" Sir,— 

" I have the honour to send you herewith, copies of a letter 

to me, and of one to the captain general of Andalusia, written 

from Gibraltar, by William Davis Robinson, a citizen of the 

United States. By them your excellency will perceive, that, 



INTRODUCTION. xxix 

violating his parole of honour, he has fled from Cadiz, in 
which place he had been permitted to reside under arrest. 
Your excellency will likewise perceive the motives which he 
alleges, for having taken this determination, which he pretends 
to justify; and that he asks permission to come to this court, 
to defend himself against the charges which the viceroy of 
New Spain may have adduced against him ; but, for the secu- 
rity of his person, solicits that there shall be given to your 
excellency, the most complete assurances that he shall not suf- 
fer any oppression or violence whatsoever. His majesty, 
whom I have acquainted with these circumstances, and who 
desires to administer strict and impartial justice in his domi- 
nions, has been pleased to decide on granting a safe conduct 
(salvo conducto) to the said citizen, to enable him, as he of- 
fers, to come to this capital, to justify himself before a com- 
petent tribunal, who will investigate and judge his conduct 
conformably to our laws, administered with all justice and ' 
impartiality ; but on the indispensable condition, that the said 
Mr. Robinson is to remain subject to the effects of the sentence. 
His majesty hopes, that in this step will be immediately re- 
cognised the rectitude which characterizes his government, 
and that the president of the United States, as well as your 
excellency, will see in this measure a new proof of the con- 
sideration with which the citizens of the United States are 
treated in Spain. 

" I renew to your excellency my respects, and pray God to 
preserve your life many years. At the Palace, 2d of April, 
1819. 

(Signed.) " Marojjis de Casa Yrujo. 

" To the Minister Plenipotentiary 

of the United States of America." 

The preceding document, although couched in very polite 
diplomatic language, was by no means satisfactory to the 
American minister. He naturally felt some degree of morti- 
fication, at the inattention which had so recently been mani- 
fested by the Spanish government to the formal application 



xxx INTRODUCTION. 

he had made for the writer's release, and when he reflected 
that at the very moment the marquis Casa Yrujo had been 
amusing him with a promise that the writer's case should be 
investigated, the said marquis had sent a secret order to the 
governor of Cadiz, to arrest and send him to Ceuta, it was im- 
possible for the American minister to place any confidence in 
a government that acted with so much bad faith ; he therefore 
declined accepting the guarantee for the writer's personal safe- 
ty, offered in the marquis's note, and replied accordingly. 

From the tenor of Mr. Erving's communications to the 
writer on this subject, he was perfectly satisfied of the cor- 
rectness of the course Mr. Erving had adopted, and indeed he 
feels great pleasure in acknowledging his obligations to that 
gentleman, for his official and friendly conduct towards him. 
His last letter on the subject is as follows : — 

" Madrid, April 19, IS 19. 
" Sir,— 
" Your letter of April l'2th is just received. I am glad to 
learn that the explanation contained in my last letter was sa- 
tisfactory to you ; as in no view of the case could I find a 
motive for encouraging your coming to Spain, neither could I 
make myself the medium of offering you the encouragement 
proposed by this government. As you desire to have a copy 
of Mr. Yrujo' s note, referred to in my last, it is herewith en- 
closed. I must, however, observe, that if I could think it 
proper to intervene in the proposed arrangement, I should re- 
quire stipulations rather more precise than what are contained 
in Mr. Yrujo's note. With much esteem, I am, sir, 

*' Your obedient servant, 
(Signed.) " George W. Erving. 

" P. S. I must further inform you, that Mr. Yrujo, in his 
second note on your case, after mentioning the importance of 
the charges against you, says, that his majesty would order 
his minister at Washington to lay before the president His rea- 
sons for not acquiescing in the presidents demand. This yon 
will conclude was intended to preclude all further remonstrance 



INTRODUCTION. xxxi 

on my part, xvhilst you were in prison under trial, or after 
sentence had been passed on you. G. W. E. 

" To Mr. William Davis Robinson.'''' 

The writer has been more prolix in this detail than he other- 
wise would have been, because the Spanish government has 
complained to the government of the United States on the point 
of his having broken his parole at Cadiz, and because he feels 
desirous of convincing his fellow citizens, as well as every 
impartial reader, that such a step was perfectly justifiable; and 
as regards his refusal to return to Spain, he would fain believe 
that his correspondence with the minister of the United States 
completely elucidates that point, and shows that it would have 
been an act of more than common folly to have visited Madrid 
under the guarantee and on the conditions expressed in the 
marquis Casa Yrujo's note to Mr. Erving. But, exclusive of 
the official communications with which he was honoured in this 
matter, he has other documents in his possession, which prove 
that in case of his return to Spain, it was the marquis's inten- 
tion, as well as that of his government, to have spared no means 
to effect his destruction. The writer forbears to publish the 
documents alluded to, at this time, as they would swell the 
present volume too much, and perhaps trespass on the patience 
of the reader. Enough has already been said, to show that if 
any of his opinions, expressed in the following pages, be tinc- 
tured with enmity towards the late government of Spain, he 
has had sufficient cause to excite his animosity and disgust. 
He does not hesitate to declare, that while he respects the in- 
dividual character of the Spaniard in Europe, yet he views 
with abhorrence his conduct towards the American Creole and 
Indian, and feels not the least commiseration, for his loss of 
power and influence in the New World; and, if he mistake 
not, the facts developed in the course of this work will demon- 
strate that the sun of Spanish power in the west is about to 
descend for ever below the horizon. 

The writer is aware that he who records events of such deep 
importance to the civilized world, ought to be gifted with ta- 



xxxii INTRODUCTION. 

lents, and possess acquirements, infinitely beyond those which 
have fallen to his lot, and that consequently he may be accused 
of presumption in touching on subjects which even sages and 
scholars would find it difficult to illustrate properly : but, in ex- 
tenuation of all his literary faults, he begs the reader to bear in 
mind that an individual, compelled by misfortune and Spanish 
treachery to seek a subsistence for the last fourteen years by 
his own enterprise, cannot have enjoyed much time for the 
cultivation of letters. Making, therefore, no pretensions to 
the honours of an author, he submits his work to the candid 
criticisms of his fellow citizens. He can regard with frigid 
indifference the harshest judgments of European censors; but, 
tremblingly alive to the favourable opinion of his own coun- 
trymen, he requests them to look upon the work as the pro- 
duction of one who, never possessing learned leisure, was en- 
gaged in the honourable occupation of an American merchant. 

Philadelphia, October 20, 1820. 



CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. Summary account of the Conquest- 
Humane enactments of Charles V. — Grievances of the 
Americans — Loyalty displayed by them, on receipt of 
the intelligence of the diffcidties in Spain, in 1808 — 
Politic course of conduct, proposed to be adopted, in 
this emergency, by the viceroy Iturrigaray — His depo- 
sition by a faction of Europeans— -Arrival of his suc- 
cessor, Vanegas — Plot entered into, to overthrow the * 
Spanish government in Mexico — Breaking out of the 
Revolution, at the town of Dolores, under the direction 
of Hidalgo— -Capture of the city of Guanaxuato — Pro- 
clamations of the Viceroy, and fulminations of the 
Church- — Action at Las Cruces — Conduct of Hidalgo — p 
Battle of Acidco — Massacre at Guanaxuato, by Calleja 
i — Battle of the Bridge of C alder on — Capture of Hidal- 
go — Death of that patriot, and many other officers. - 1 

CHAP. II. State of the Revolution, after the death of 
Hidalgo — General Don Jose Maria Morelos— Capture 
of Oaxaca and Acapulco — Formation of a Congress and 
Constitution — Manifesto of the Junta of Zultepec — * 
Defeat at Valladolid v — General Matamoros taken pri- 

' soner, and shot — Capture of Morelos, at Tepecuacuilco 
— His death — Arrival of the Congress at Tehuacan — - 
General observations. 26 

CHAP. III. General Mina — His early life, and career 
in Spain — His motives for embarking in the cause of 
Mexico — Arrival at, and transactions in, Baltimore — 
Departure of the expedition — 'Occurrences at Port au 
Prince — Arrival of the expedition at Galvezton — 
— Treachery of Correa — Departure of the expedition 
from Galvezton, and its arrival off the bar of the river 
Santander — Disembarcation of the division. * 43 

5* 



xxxiv CONTENTS. 

CHAP. IV. Soto la Marina occupied by Mina — Gene- 
ral arrangements there — Action of colonel Perry with 
Don Felipe La Garza — Continuation of events in Soto 
la Marina — Capture of the Cleopatra, by the Spanish 
frigate La Sabina — Dastardly conduct of the officers 
of that expedition — Line of march taken up for the 
interior — A successioii of events — Action at, and cap- 
ture of the town of El Valle de Mais — Occurrences at 
that place, and departure therefrom — Battle of Peotil- 
los — Sanguinary decrees of the enemy — Conduct of the 
priest of Hideonda i and remarks thereon — Mind's pro- 
gress — Attack and taking of Sierra de Pinos — Depar- 
ture therefrom — function with the Patriots — Arrival 
at the Patriot fortress of Sombrero — Lts description. 81 

CHAP. V. Refections on the state of the Revolution, 
after the dispersion of the Congress — General Don 
Manuel Mier y Teran — His talent and enterprise 
< — His fall — General Don Guadalupe Victoria — Gene- 
ral Osourno — General Don Ignacio Rayon — General 
Don Jose Antonio Torres — Degraded state of the 
Patriots, after he assumed the command — Refections 
thereon. -------- 123 

CHAP. VI. Action of San Juan de los Llanos — Cap- 
ture of the Jaral — Interview, at Sombrero, between 
general Mina and some of the revolutionary chiefs — 
Overture by Mina for an exchange of prisoners — 
Events in Sombrero. ------ 145 

CHAP. VII. Intelligence of the fall of Soto la Marina 
received at Sombrero- — Investissement of the fort by 
Arredondo^-Operations during the siege — Desertion 
of La Sola — His base conduct — Gallant defence of the 
garrison — Its capitulation — The terms — Their viola- 
y ti n — Cruel treatment experienced by the captives, in 
Altamira, on the road to Vera Cruz, and in the dun- 
geons of San Juan de Ulna — Departure of some of the 
captives for Spain — Order of the minister of war at 
Madrid — Strictures on the violation of the capitulation^, 



CONTENTS. xxxv 

and on the decree of the Cortes, of the 10th of April, 
1813 — Violation of Miranda's capitulation at Caracas 
— The consequences thereof— Cruelty of the Spaniards 
in Puerto Cavello — Dreadful measures of retaliation 
adopted by general Bolivar. - - - - 169 

CHAP. VIII. Situation of the city of Mexico, and the 
measures of the viceroy — Failure of the expedition of 
Mina against the Villa de Leon — Arrival of the army 
under Don Pasqual Lihan, before Sombrero- — Forms 
his line of circumvallation — Situation of the fort — 
Commencement of active operations — Detail of events 
—Sortie on the encampment of Don Pedro Celestino 
Negrete — Sally of general Mina — Detail of events — 
Gallant defence of the fort, on the 18th of August — 
Evacuation of the fort — Massacre of the fugitives, of 
the zvounded, and of the prisoners — Memoir of Don 
Pasqual Linan. - - - - - - 189 

CHAP. IX. General Mina proceeds to the fort of Los 
Remedios — Arrival of some of the fugitives therefrom 
Sombrero — Description of the fort of Los Remedios, or 
San Gregorio — Advance of Linan against the fort — 
Mina marches out, -with nine hundred men — Descrip- 
tion of these troops — A reflection of great importance 
to the United States — Meeting of 'the general with the 
remnant of his division, near the Tlachiquera — Siege 
laid to Los Remedios — Mina advances against, and 
takes, Biscocho — Execution of the garrison — Advance 
against, and capture of San Luis de la Paz — Clemency 
of Mina towards the garrison — Attack on San Miguel 
— Retreat therefrom, and arrival at the Valle de Santi- 
ago — A description of it — Continuation of events con- 
nected with Mind's movements — Disgraceful conduct 
of Padre Torres — Continuation of events at the fort — 
Repulse of the enemy — Sortie on one of his batteries — 
Minds operations continued — Flight of the Patriots 
from the fi 'eld at La Caxa — Mina visits Xauxilla, and 
thence proceeds to the Valle de Santiago — Skirmish 
with Orrantia, and Minds arrival at La Caxa. - 210 



xxxvi CONTENTS. 

CHAP. X. Mina advances against Guanaxuato — De- 
scription of that city — He attacks it — Failure — He 
proceeds with an escort to the rancho del Venadito — 
Movements of Orrantia — Mina made prisoner — Bru- 
tal conduct of Orrantia towards him — Death of Mina 
>\ -—Reflections — State of society in Mexico — Remarks 
on the present state of the royal forces, and the facility 
with xvhich the country could be invaded, and its eman- 
cipation accomplished. ----- 243 

CHAP. XI. Assault of Los Remedios, on the 16th of 
November, and repulse of the enemy — Sortie by the 
garrison on the enemy's intrenchments — Cause -which 
led to the evacuation of the fort— Los Remedios evacu- 
ated, on the night of the 1st of January, 1818 — Bar- 
barities of the royalists there — Operations of the con- 
tending parties, after the reduction of Los Remedios — 
Loss of Xauxilla — Detailed account of the subsequent 
events of the Revolution, and its actual state in the 
month of July, 1819— Refections. - - - 277 

CHAP. XII. Cruelty a predominant feature in Span- 
ish history ; exemplified by a brief view of the conduct 
of Spain in Europe, and by the horrors committed, by 
her authorities, in Mexico and South America, since 

t the year 1810 — Refections. t i - 309 

CHAP. XIII. Examination of the different routes to 
the Pacific Ocean — Doubts respecting a passage to the 
north-west — The communication between the Atlantic 
and Pacifc Oceans, at the province of Choco, examined 
— Observations upon the routes by the Isthmus of Da- 
rien or Panama; by the Isthmus of Costa Rica; and 
by that of Oaxaca — General observations on the impor- 
tance of this passage to the civilized xvorld in general, 
and to the United States in particular. - - 339 

APPENDIX. Statement of the claims of W. D. Robin- 
son upon the Spanish government. - - - 379 



MEMOIRS 



©F 



THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION 



CHAPTER I. 



Summary account of the Conquests-Humane enactments of 
Charles V. — Grievances of the Americans — Loyalty display- 
ed by them, on receipt of the intelligence of the difficulties in 
Spain, in 1808 — Politic course of conduct, proposed to be 
adopted, in this emergency, by the Viceroy Iturrigarai — 
His deposition by a faction of Europeans- — Arrival of his 
successor, Vanegas — Plot entered into to overthrow the 
Spanish government in Mexico — Breaking out of the Revo- 
lution, at the toxun of Dolores, under the direction of Hidalgo 
— Capture of the city of Guanaxauto — Proclamations of the 
Viceroy, and fulminations of the Church — Action at Las 
Cruces — Conduct of Hidalgo — Battle of Aculco — Massacre 
at Guanaxauto, by Calleja — Battle of the Bridge of Calde- 
ron — Capture of Hidalgo— Death of that patriot, and many 
ether officers. 

TO elucidate the causes which gave birth to the present 
struggles of Spanish America generally, but particularly of 
that section of which we now treat, against the despotism of 
©Id Spain, it is necessary to take a retrospect of its situation, 
from the period of the conquest. It will then appear evident 
to every impartial mind, that almost each revolving hour, for 
the last three centuries, has been marked by a steady, system- 
atic course of injustice and outrage towards the unfortunate 
Americans. 
(1) 



2 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The conquest of Mexico was undertaken by Cortez, in con- 
formity with a plan which had been prescribed to Columbus 
by the Spanish crown ; by which it was provided, that the 
expense attending the discovery and conquest of any unknown 
countries, should be altogether borne by the adventurers, who 
should, as a compensation, retain the vassalage of the nations, 
upon the condition that they should be instructed by them in 
the precepts of the Christian religion. The dominion of all 
such countries as should be discovered, was to be vested in 
the crown of Spain, which, on its part, guarantied (Leyes dc 
las Indicts, Ley I. tit. 1, lib. 3. J that u on no account should 
they be separated, wholly or in part, from that monarchy :" 
and the emperor Charles V. binds himself and successors for 
ever, that "these settlements should on no account, or in fa- 
vour of any one, either wholly or in part, be separated ;" and 
that " if, in violation of this stipulation, any of his successors 
should make any gift or alienation, either wholly or in part, 
the same shall be void." 

Cortez, in pursuance of these favourable enactments, pro- 
ceeded from the island of Cuba, the 10th of February, 1519, 
to the work of conquest. After sailing along, and making 
descents on the coast of Yucatan, he landed on the spot where 
the castle of San Juan de Ulua now stands, the 21st of April; 
and, after meeting with various vicissitudes of fortune, and 
displaying the courage and ferocity of the Spaniards of those 
times, he succeeded, on the 8th of November, in planting the 
Spanish banners on the capital of the Mexican empire. 

The chief of that empire lavished upon Cortez every mark 
of respect and hospitality; but was soon made to feel the effects 
of Spanish artifice and treachery. Montezuma was entrapped, 
and kept a prisoner by Cortez six months. At length he was 
shot by an arrow, while endeavouring to quell a tumult among 
his own subjects. They were anxious to avenge his wrongs, and 
to revenge the treacherous massacre of their nobles, on the 
13th of May, 1520. This unfeeling outrage was committed by 
Alvarado, who had been left in the command of the city, during 
the absence of Cortez, when marching upon Zempoalla, to at- 
tack his rival Narvaez. Montezuma died, frantic with mortifi- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 3 

cation and despair, about the 30th of June, in the quarters of 
the Spaniards, where he had been kept prisoner by Cortez. 
This event so much excited the rage of the Mexicans, that 
Cortez found it impossible to maintain his position in the city; 
and it became expedient for him to abandon it, and to fall back 
on his allies the Tlascalans. This movement was accomplished 
on the night of the 1st of July, but with a severe loss. The 
friendship of the Tlascalans remained unaltered by the change 
of Cortez's fortune ; and they offered him every assistance he 
should require, to enable him to continue his operations against 
their enemies, the Mexicans. Cortez, having augmented the 
Europeans by the soldiers of the conquered Narvaez, and re- 
enforcements from the Antilles, returned to and entered Tez- 
cuco, the 31st of December; and, on the 31st of May, 1521, 
laid siege to the city of Mexico, with eighty-seven cavalry, 
eight hundred and forty-eight Spanish infantry, eighteen 
pieces of artillery, seventy-five thousand Tlascalans, and thir- 
teen small vessels, which he had built on the lake. 

The Mexicans, under Quauhtemotzin, the successor of the 
unfortunate Montezuma, defended themselves with desperate 
valour; and, after a resistance of seventy-five days, during 
which time they had to contend against the ravages of famine 
and disease, and an enemy who had increased in force to up- 
wards of two hundred thousand men, Mexico was taken by 
Cortez, the 13th of August, but not until the greater part of 
that beautiful city had been destroyed. 

The emperor, endeavouring to escape, in a canoe, from the 
fury of the Spaniards, was taken prisoner. The sanguinary 
Cortez crowned the dreadful cruelties which had sullied all 
the steps of his conquest, by torturing the emperor in a manner 
the most diabolical. With a view of extorting from the un- 
fortunate monarch a confession of the place where his trea- 
sures were concealed, he first soaked his feet in oil, and after- 
wards burnt them by a slow fire. Cortez, finding that the 
torture was borne with firmness by the noble Mexican, order- 
ed him to be released ; but he, together with two other kings, 
were hung, three years afterwards, on the allegation of an in- 
tent to revolt. 



4 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The natives of the country continued, for some time, to resist 
the strides of the conqueror, but eventually fell victims to their 
inferiority in arms. A devastation ensued, by fire and sword, 
that has no parallel in history. The unoffending aborigines 
were slaughtered, without mercy or distinction. To the 
Spanish historians of those days, we refer the reader, who feels 
desirous of perusing the accounts of those cruelties in detail : 
he will there behold narrated only a part of the bloody scenes, 
— but sufficient to cover the Spanish name with eternal oppro- 
brium. 

After Cortez felt himself firmly established in the empire, 
the iron reign of tyranny commenced, in all its bitter and 
dreadful forms ; — the Indians perished in thousands, under 
the scourge of their barbarous and cruel task-masters. 

The remonstrances of many prelates, but particularly of the 
beneficent and venerable Las Casas, against such horrors and 
anti-christjan principles, at length awakened the attention of 
the emperor Charles V. To check the disorders of the settlers, 
and to meliorate the condition of the natives, he instituted the 
famous tribunal a£ the Indies, and appointed officers specially for 
the purpose of acting as a checlc on the conduct of the settlers. 
But these protectors and judges speedily rendered nugatory 
all the humane institutions of the emperor. As no complaints 
could reach the ear of the monarch but through them, they 
soon guarded ^11 the avenues to the -throne ; and, urged by 
thirst of gain, they combined with the settlers in acts of the 
most flagrant injustice : so that the wrongs of the Mexicans 
continued unabated. 

Charles V., however, persevered in enacting the most salu- 
tary and humane code of laws for the welfare of the colonies. 
In looking 4 over those laws, we find many of them breathing 
a spirit of humanity and sound policy, that would do honour 
to the most enlightened age. It was enacted, that the disco- 
verers, the settlers, and their posterity, and those born in the 
country, -were to be preferred before all others, in offices of 
church, state, and jurisprudence. In that plain and important 
regulation was comprised a fundamental principle to promote 
the prosperity, and secure the affections, of the colonists. A 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 5 

departure from this principle ever has, and ever will be, fatal 
to the sovereignty of a mother country over its colonies. 

It was likewise enacted, that the aborigines were to be con- 
sidered as free men, and vassals of the crorvn of Spain; the 
colonies were declared to be an integral part of the monarchy; 
and to such an extent were the rights of the Americans pro- 
tected, that no law promulgated in the mother country could 
take effect, unless sanctioned by the representative government 
of the colonies, which was vested in the council of the Indies. 

How different a scene would have been displayed in Spanish 
America, from that which it now exhibits, if these wise and 
just principles had been faithfully observed by the successors 
of Charles V.! But, alas! experience has afforded melancholy 
proofs, that they all have been long since scattered to the winds ; 
and, in their place has been established, a system of colonial 
policy, having for its aim, the perpetuity of ignorance, injus- 
tice, and despotism, over the new world : a system which has 
resulted in the political degradation, and even abject thraldom, 
of the Creoles as well as Indians. Ask the European Spa- 
niard, why these salutary laws have never been put in execu- 
tion, since the day of their enactment? and, if he is capable of 
an impartial answer, he will reply, that such laws would have 
placed a check on his pride and avarice, and would have pre- 
vented him from exercising an unnatural authority over the 
lives and property of millions of Americans. 

The viceroys, sent out as representatives' of the king, to 
carry into effect the " Leyes de las Indias," and to guard the 
interests of the Creole from heing infringed upon, were the 
first and most distinguished violators of those very laws. The 
vast expanse of ocean between them and the mother country, 
freed them from all restraint. Surrounded by all the pomp 
and splendour of royalty, they thought only of exercising 
regal powers, and of amassing riches by every possible means; 
so that, on their return to Spain, they might, by the aid and 
powerful influence of gold, completely bar every complaint of 
the Americans from reaching the throne. In a little while, 
corruption spread through every department of government, 
in old Spain; so that the viceroys, captains general, intendants, 



6 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

and all the dignitaries of the church, who were sent to Ame- 
rica, and all their immediate agents, formed a strong phalanx, 
combined in their interests and views ; and, as they were the 
only channel through which complaints could be transmitted 
from America to the Peninsula, it is obvious, that not one 
grievance in ten thousand, which occurred in the colonies, 
ever reached the council of the Indies, much less the ear of 
the monarch. At length, so confident did these tyrants be- 
come, in the exercise of their iniquitous system, that they 
treated with scorn and cruelty, every Creole who dared to re- 
sist their imperious mandates ; and hence was established, a 
system of passive obedience and suffering, on the part of the 
Creole and Indian, such as was never before exhibited, and 
which no colonists, in any age, or in any country, had ever 
before endured. 

The European Spaniards, having thus acquired the supreme 
authority, and conjoining in their hands all the civil, military, 
and ecclesiastical employments, committed, with impunity, 
enormities of the deepest die. Justice became subservient to 
caprice and interest ; and dissensions were fomented between 
the European and Creole. The latter found himself cut off 
from every hope of redress, saw his rights, as a man, prostrat- 
ed, and all the paths to social distinctions impeded by obsta- 
cles he could not overcome. Thus degraded and persecuted, 
hatred was engendered, and usurped, in his heart, the ties of 
consanguinity. 

After the death of Charles V., his successors appear to have 
studied which of them could most outrageously trample on the 
laws, enacted during that monarch's reign. The Americans 
have not only been excluded from the privileges granted them 
by those laws, but even the descendants of the conquerors 
have been despoiled of many of their rights. Men, without 
education, talent, or character, have been appointed to civil, 
military, and ecclesiastical offices, of the greatest responsibili- 
ty. And corruption, in the latter period, had reached so great 
a height, that almost every office in America was sold at a fix- 
ed price, or procured by some court parasite. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 7 

During the famous, or rather infamous administration of 
Godoy, sacrilegiously called the prince of peace, every office in 
America, from that of the viceroy down to that of a menial de- 
pendant of the custom house, was publicly sold; except in a few 
instances, in which they were bestowed on the servants of the 
prince, as a premium for their intrigues, or, as it was styled, 
as a reward for their fidelity to his royal master or royal mis- 
tress. A major domo of the royal household, has been ele- 
vated to the government of an American province, and there 
have been intendants, and judges of the Real Audiencia, the 
highest judicial tribunal in America, who were men known in 
Spain for their vices only, or as panders for the pleasures of 
the prince and the queen. Under men like these, were the 
lives and the properties of the Spanish Americans placed. 
Out of one hundred and sixty viceroys, who have ruled in 
America, four only were Creoles born, and even those four 
were brought up from their infancy in Spain, and were ap- 
pointed to the station from accidental circumstances, or family 
connexions in the Peninsula. 

The government of Spain, dreading the introduction of fo- 
reign literature, and the culture of those natural talents, with 
which the Creole is so highly gifted, placed every bar to his 
improvement, by impeding a system of liberal education. And 
they were particularly studious to preserve the Creoles from 
the contaminating intercourse of foreigners. 

In the colleges, the Latin language, ancient philosophy, the- 
ological dogmas, mathematics, and some superficial branches 
of education, alone are taught, and the elements of general 
knowledge are withheld from the students ; and the greater 
part of the Creoles are unacquainted with history, except, per- 
haps, that of Spain. Many attempts have been made to in- 
troduce public schools, in different parts of Mexico, but they 
have always failed, through the secret or open opposition of 
the Spanish government, which has not hesitated to declare, 
that it was not expedient for learning to become general in 
America. 

The eulogies, passed on the course of education in Mexico, 
by M. De Humboldt, are calculated to convey, to a readei 



8 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

unacquainted with the real state of that country, an impres- 
sion, that an excellent system of education has been establish- 
ed and disseminated by the government. This is not the on- 
ly instance in which that enlightened traveller and philosopher 
has flattered the Spanish government ; but he has occasional- 
ly compensated for this incense, by developing many unpalat- 
able truths. The most superficial observer, who has visited 
Mexico, must have discovered the great want of seminaries 
of education ; for it is only in the city of Mexico, that any 
scholastic establishments, deserving that name, are to be found ; 
and the abject ignorance, of the great body of society through- 
out the kingdom, affords a lamentable evidence of the paucity 
of institutions of this nature. There is not, in fact, a despotic 
country y in any part of the old world, which professes Chris- 
tianity, where education is so limited, and where foreign lite- 
rature is so little known, as in Mexico. 

The commerce and agriculture of the Creoles have likewise 
felt the fatal and dreadful influence of Spanish despotism. The 
commerce of the colonies has been restricted to a few Cadiz 
merchants. The arts, exactions, and injustice, of those ava- 
ricious monopolists, would scarcely be believed by the civil- 
ized world. Our limits will not permit us to detail them, but 
we may observe, that extortion was the leading feature of that 
disgraceful commerce. The shipments to Mexico consisted 
of cargoes of the miserable manufactures of Spain, or, of the 
imperfect products of her agriculture, and of some foreign fa- 
brics, so burthened with imposts, that only the most wealthy 
classes of society could buy them. The consumption of such 
cargoes was forced upon the Creoles, by every arbitrary and 
ingenious measure, to the exclusion of commerce through any 
other channel but that of old Spain ; and to the neglect of those 
advantages, which all-bountiful nature has granted the Ame- 
ricans, in the fertility of their soil, and genial climate. To 
ensure the sale of Spanish wines and brandies, the Creoles 
were forbidden to manufacture either ; olives were not allow- 
ed to be planted ; the cultivation of the silk worm was inter- 
dicted; and, with regard to vines, even such as had been 
raised for the purpose of affording the Creole a grateful fruit. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 9 

became an object of jealousy to the Cadiz monopolists, and an 
order was actually sent out by the government of Spain, to 
grub up all the vines in the country. 

The article of tobacco, one of the greatest essentials to the 
comfort of a Spanish American, was a monopoly of the crown. 
In Mexico, it is only permitted to be cultivated in the district 
of Orizaba. The planter was not allowed to seek a market for 
what he raised. It was forcibly taken from him, at a fixed 
price, by the king, who manufactured, and retailed it out, at 
an enormous advance, to the people. The revenue derived 
from this monopoly was immense ; and the unfortunate planter 
who raised, and the people who consumed, the plant, had the 
mortification to see the revenue, derived from this source, 
divided and squandered away, amongst a host of European 
Spaniards, who came, almost annually, from Spain, to fill the 
posts in the administration of tobacco. When a vacancy oc- 
curred, by death or otherwise, vain was the application of a 
Creole to fill it, except in some rare instances, and, even then, 
appointments were the result of bribery. 

Such is a brief outline of the scenes of injustice and op- 
pression, to which the Creole of Spanish America was so long 
a passive victim. Manifold as were the grievances, they may 
be summed up by saying, that he was deprived of the enjoy- 
ment of his social, and even of his natural rights, except so 
far as it occasionally suited the caprice or interest of a despot, 
to grant them to him as an indulgence. In this state of things 
in America, the struggles in the Peninsula commenced. 

The news of the declaration of war against France, on the 
6th of June, 1808, by the Supreme Junta of Seville, in place 
of exciting feelings of disaffection among the Creoles, or open- 
ing to their view the career of ambition, was, by them, enthu- 
siastically received. Ferdinand was proclaimed, with every 
demonstration of joy and loyalty. Congratulatory addresses, 
from all quarters, poured in to the viceroys. The temples of 
divine worship resounded with the most fervent supplications 
to the Deity for the release of their monarch ; every house 
presented pictures of their favourite king ; and the air was 
filled with shouts of " Viva Fernando 7°." Unanimous re- 
(2) 



10 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

solves were adopted, to repel the meditated dominion of the 
French, and to afford generous and abundant resources to 
their European brethren in arms. One universal sentiment of 
ardent loyalty pervaded the American colonies, and the poor 
Creole seems to have thrown a veil of oblivion over all his 
wrongs, and to have directed his whole soul, at that juncture, 
to the cause of Spain. Future ages will scarcely believe, that 
a people thus generous and loyal, were about to experience 
such heart-rending scenes, as have made the bloody horrors of 
the conquest trivial, by comparison ; and, that a war of exter- 
mination was soon to be declared against them, in reward for 
their generosity and loyalty. 

After the occurrences at Bayonne had taken place, orders 
from Murat were received in the colonies ; and, at the same 
moment, when the Creoles were swearing allegiance to their 
captured monarch, the Europeans were strenuously engaged 
in taking the most effectual measures to bring the Americans 
over to French allegiance ; and some of the viceroys openly 
made advances to the people, in the name of the emperor Na- 
poleon. Emissaries from king Joseph spread themselves over 
the continent, to pave the way for the adoption of the French 
government. They brought orders from Ferdinand, and the 
council of the Indies, to transfer to France the allegiance of 
America. The Europeans received the French emissaries 
with open arms, while the Creoles publicly burnt their procla- 
mations ; and, with cries of " Viva Fernando 7°," expelled 
these political intruders from their soil. These are facts of. 
public notoriety ; they stand recorded, and cannot be ques- 
tioned. 

Thus were the Americans the defenders of their king; 
while the conduct of the Europeans and their chiefs was stain- 
ed with treachery of the darkest hues. . 

During the period that the French gained ground in the Pe- 
ninsula, and Spain was torn by contending factions, the defec- 
tion of the European Spaniards became so glaring, that in the 
short space of six months, a simultaneous rising of the colo- 
nists was caused. Without concert, from the same motives, 
and with the same views, the Creoles endeavoured, and, in 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. \\ 

some instances, succeeded, in deposing their perjured chiefs ; 
declaring, at the same time, their determination to hold their 
country for their legitimate monarch. 

This course of conduct was no sooner made known in Spain, 
than, in place of being viewed as an evidence of loyalty, or as 
a great political event, growing out of imperious circumstan- 
ces, it was considered, by the Cadiz regency, as an outrageous 
rebellion, and war was declared against Caraccas, in the month 
of August, 1810. But we must confine ourselves more par- 
ticularly to Mexico. 

Don Jose Iturrigaray, viceroy at that period, on receiv- 
ing intelligence of the critical situation in which Ferdinand 
was involved, and looking with a cautious eye on the strange 
orders of Ferdinand, those of the council of the Indies, and of 
Murat, and aware likewise of the local dangers which threat- 
ened the kingdom, from the known hatred existing between 
the Creoles and Europeans, proposed calling a junta, to be 
formed by a representation from each province, in order to adopt 
a provisional government, in which the people would have 
confidence. This purity of Iturrigaray's intentions was known 
then, and is still acknowledged by every enlightened Creole in 
the country. His sole object was to save the kingdom from 
the horrors of anarchy, and from French intrigue. In the 
adoption of these measures, the viceroy was cordially sup- 
ported by the cabildo, who, by an energetic memorial, pointed 
out that those measures would alone inspire confidence. The 
memorial proposed, that the viceroy should remain as the re- 
presentative of the king ; that the usual authorities should re- 
tain the same power as before; but that a governing junta 
should be established, composed of the royal audiencia, the 
archbishop, the municipality, and deputies from the several 
ecclesiastical and secular bodies, the nobilitv, principal citi- 
zens, and military. 

In the formation of such a junta, it was obvious that Cre- 
oles would be blended with Europeans. But the latter, dread- 
ing the ascendency which the Creoles might gain from a po- 
pular government, opposed this loyal and rational overture, 
and secretly determined on boldly removing the viceroy. This 



12 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

resolution they promptly carried into effect; and, privately 
arming themselves, they arrested the unsuspecting viceroy 
and his family, on the night of the 15th of September, 1808, 
and sent them prisoners to the Peninsula. 

This act excited universal indignation among all classes of 
Americans, by whom the viceroy was held in the highest esti- 
mation. His administration had been characterized by a 
course very different from that of any of his predecessors. 
He was not only benign and just in his decisions, but indefa- 
tigable in the measures he adopted for the internal improve- 
ment of the kingdom. It was, indeed, his popularity among the 
Americans, that excited the jealousy of the old Spaniards. 

These circumstances, conjoined with the subsequent massa- 
cre of several distinguished Americans, and the arrest and 
banishment of others, who had espoused the viceroy's plans, 
highly incensed the Mexicans. In this state of fermentation, 
arrived Iturrigaray's successor, Vanegas, bringing with him 
from Spain, rewards, distinctions, and offices, for those Euro- 
peans who had been conspicuous instruments in deposing the 
late viceroy. 

The conduct of Vanegas, during his career in the Peninsu- 
la, had not been calculated to inspire confidence among the 
people over whom he was sent to preside. He had delivered 
up one or two armies, and had otherwise acted in a manner to 
make him a very obnoxious character in the eyes of the 
Americans. 

These events, combined with the recollection of their for- 
mer grievances, operated powerfully on the minds of the 
Mexicans ; and, at length, the rancour, which had been so long 
smothered in their breasts, burst forth : for, being no longer 
able to bear with such flagrant injustice, finding that every day 
added a new weight to their oppressions, and seeing no hopes 
of redress but through their own exertions, they entered into 
a plan to hurl their tyrants from their seats of power. 

In this conspiracy were engaged many of the most distin- 
guished men in the kingdom, principally ecclesiastics and 
lawyers. It was conducted with the greatest secrecy, and 
extended to almost every city in the kingdom. A simulta- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 13 

neous insurrection was intended in the provinces ; and the 
plot had nearly reached maturity, when it was checked by one 
of those accidents which frequently prevent the realization of 
great projects; else, it is highly probable that Vanegas would 
have been the last viceroy on the Mexican throne. 

One of the conspirators, in a death-bed confession, revealed 
not only the plot, but the names of many of his principal ac- 
complices. Vanegas was alarmed at the magnitude of the 
plan, but was in hopes, that by seizing the principals he would 
be able to check it ; and he took the most prompt and active 
measures to arrest those who were denounced. In the pro- 
vince of Guanaxuato, the head of the conspiracy was Dr. Hi- 
dalgo, the rector of Dolores, in which town, and the adjacent 
one of San Miguel el Grande, many of the conspirators re- 
sided. 

Vanegas despatched orders for the arrest of Hidalgo and 
his party ; but, as some of their colleagues were persons en- 
joying the confidence of the viceroy, and knew the measures 
he was adopting, they immediately despatched private couriers 
to apprize the rector of what was in agitation. The intelligence 
was received by captain Don Ignacio Allende, who command- 
ed a small body of king's troops in San Miguel. He flew to 
Hidalgo, at Dolores, with the information. They at once 
agreed that flight was of no avail. They knew that, if taken, 
death was inevitable; and they therefore resolved on making 
a desperate effort to save themselves and their party. Allende 
having brought over his men, and the proscribed party being 
in readiness, the tocsin of revolt was sounded, on the night of 
the 10th of September, 1810; and thus commenced the civil 
wars of Mexico, which we now attempt to comprise in the 
following sketch. 

The pueblo of Dolores consisted principally of Indians, who 
adored their pastor Hidalgo, and who immediately joined him. 
He proceeded to San Miguel, where his numbers were consi- 
derably augmented. From thence he marched to the city of 
Zelaya, where he was joined by immense throngs of Indians, 
armed with clubs, slings, and missile weapons. 



14 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

As matters had so far progressed well, it was next proposed 
to nominate a commander. Allende, as being the only mili- 
tary man, was named ; but, as Hidalgo's popularity was con- 
sidered of infinitely more importance to the cause, in its criti- 
cal situation, than mere military acquirements, he was chosen 
commander-in-chief, with the rank of captain general. 

Hidalgo was a man of irreproachable character, and beloved, 
not only within the range of his rectory, but in the adjoining 
provinces. He was regarded as a man of penetration, and 
considered well informed ; that is, he had acquired such 
knowledge as a well educated Creole usually possesses. His 
reading had been confined to such works as the jealousy of the 
old Spaniards, and the scrutiny of the Inquisition, permitted 
to be circulated : of course, it is not presumable, that from 
such sources he could have derived much knowledge of the 
world. He was frank and generous, and knew very little of 
cunning, intrigue, and baseness, the characteristics of his 
opponents. 

Hidalgo considered, that, as the names and plans of the 
conspirators had been revealed, and their projects thus nipped 
in the bud, it was necessary to make desperate exertions, and 
resort to every possible means of exciting the courage and 
passions of the Indians.* With this view, he unfortunately 

• It must not be inferred, from the use of this word Indian, that the people 
to whom it is applied resemble the savages of North America. They are, it 
is true, descendants of the aborigines; but, with few exceptions, they are 
a civilized people. They are tractable, and accustomed to the labours of 
civilized life. In many points they preserve the customs of their ancestors, 
and particularly cherish their native language ; for although, in general, they 
understand and speak Spanish correctly, yet, in their intercourse with each 
other, they use their native language. Notwithstanding they all profess 
Christianity, yet the Spanish priests frequently discover them sacrificing, in 
private, according to their ancient system of idolatry. The Mexican Indian, 
although mild, and obedient to his task-master, yet bears in remembrance 
the outrages the Spaniards inflicted upon his forefathers, and secretly sighs 
for the day of revenge. All that the Spanish government and Spanish writers 
have said about their loyalty and fidelity, is mere fiction. During the pre- 
sent revolution, they have invariably manifested their ill will towards the 
Spaniards ; and even in the towns and villages, where there were no royal 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 15 

and precipitately authorized the cry of " Destruction to the 
Gachupins."* Hidalgo does not appear, by any act of his 
life previous to the revolution, to have been a sanguinary man; 
and, therefore, his sanction of the cry of " Destruction to the 
Gachupins and their race," ought to be attributed to the reason 
before mentioned, and not to a deliberate intention of indiscri- 
minately sacrificing them. But, while this apology is offered, 
his error is deeply to be deplored; not merely on the grounds 
of humanity, but because it is to this impolitic act that the 
failure of the revolutionists may in a great measure be ascribed. 
If Hidalgo had reflected that the great body of conspirators 
were Creoles, distinguished by their wealth and high standing 
in the community, and consequently would take alarm at a 
commotion that menaced their lives and property, he would 
have pursued a very different course, and would have had al- 
most every Creole in the country in his favour : but, rendered 
desperate, as before observed, by considering his colleagues 
destroyed, and their plans discovered, he made use of the 
Indians as a dernier resource, and, by exciting them to the 
destruction of all the Gachupins, committed a dreadful and 
irremediable error. 

troops actually quartered, a Creole insurgent, in flying from his enemies, has 
always found an inviolable asylum among the Indians : whereas, if a royalist 
took refuge in an Indian village, within the jurisdiction of the insurgents, he 
never escaped. The descendants from the Indian caciques have a high de- 
gree of family pride, and consider a connexion with a European Spaniard as 
a pollution of blood. 

* This term Gachapin has been variously interpreted; but it is universally 
used by the Creoles and Indians as a word of contempt. The Spaniards say 
it means " a man with two heads," thereby conveying an idea of superior 
understanding; and that it took its origin from the invasion of Cortez, upon 
one of his cavalry being killed. The Indians, who till then had never seen 
a horse, supposed the animal and its rider to be a single animal. When they 
beheld the horse and rider fall, they ran up and examined the phenomenon, 
and finding the man distinct from the horse, they expressed their surprise 
by exclaiming, "Gatzopin." The Indians, however, flatly deny the Spanish 
story, and say the word means " thief." But be that as it may, it is most 
certain that the word is now used as a mark of scorn and opprobrium. 



16 MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 

The first steps of the Indians were marked by horrid ex- 
cesses. Through every place they passed, the European 
Spaniards that fell into their hands, and many Creoles, were 
slaughtered. A large portion of the Creole population, who 
were as desirous as Hidalgo and his party for the emancipa- 
tion of their country, now began to tremble for their personal 
safety, and sought protection from their ancient oppressors. 
Nevertheless, the forces of Hidalgo continued rapidly to 
swell ; and, during his stay at Zelaya, the Indians from every 
quarter flocked to his standard. Numbers of Creole priests, 
and some royalist soldiers, also joined him. When he left 
Zelaya, his army consisted of nearly twenty thousand men; 
but was a heterogeneous mass, without fire-arms or order. 
With this force, he marched upon Guanaxuato, the capital of 
the intendancy of that name, and a city next in point of wealth 
to the metropolis of New Spain; the richest gold and silver 
mines in all Spanish America being in the vicinage of Guan- 
axuato. 

On the approach of the patriotic army, the intendant of the 
province, with all the Spaniards, some Creoles, and the few 
troops which were in the city, shut themselves up in the castle, 
and determined on an obstinate defence. Hidalgo summoned 
them to surrender, and offered them humane terms, which 
were rashly refused. 

The place was attacked, and carried. The unfortunate 
Spaniards, and all who adhered to them, were sacrificed by 
the infuriated Indians. In vain Hidalgo interposed, to pre- 
vent the slaughter : he now saw, when too late, that revenge 
was the predominant feeling among his Indians, and that no- 
thing would satisfy them but the extermination of the Gachu- 
pins. The treasures, which fell into the hands of the conquer- 
ors, would appear incredible to the reader, if he did not con- 
sider, that we have reference to a city surrounded by the rich- 
est mines in the known world. The sacking of the city con- 
tinued for three days ; and the plunderers were loaded with 
ioubloons, dollars, and ingots of gold and silver. The preci- 
ous metals were found in some private houses, as well as in 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 17 

the public buildings, piled in vast heaps. The Indians were 
occupied several days in carrying off these treasures ; and it 
was supposed that every man took away at least five hundred 
dollars, but the greater proportion, several thousands. The 
Indians, afterwards, offered their doubloons for sale at four 
reals each, conceiving that they were only gilt medals.* 

Hidalgo had now such an overflowing treasury, that he paid 
his soldiers a dollar a day each ; and as to his officers, he al- 
lowed them to help themselves to whatever amount they liked. 

From the preceding relation it may be inferred, that Hidal- 
go was highly culpable, in permitting the perpetration of those 
deeds of rapine and murder. We have before stated, that his 
private character was unblemished; but, in the novel situation 
in which he found himself placed, it was not extraordinary 
that he should permit the Indians to enjoy the first fruits of 
their exertions. He considered it politic to let them have 
palpable proofs that they would profit by the revolution ; and, 
with regard to the slaughter of the Spaniards, it was impossi- 
ble for him to prevent it. Still it is a fact, that rhere are now 
a great number of European Spaniards and Creoles living 
in Mexico, who were protected and saved from death by the 
humanity of Hidalgo; and, in many instances, most ungrate- 
fully did they requite his clemency. They proved them- 
selves, subsequently, the most cruel and implacable enemies of 
the patriots, and particularly of the insurgent Indians, that 
fell into their hands. These were massacred, in the most 
wanton manner, by the very prisoners whose lives Hidalgo 
had formerly saved. 

After the capture of Guanaxuato, Hidalgo found his forces 
augmenting so fast, that he determined to advance on the city 
of Mexico. He proceeded by the route of Valladolid, gather- 

* The people, of all classes, wear medals suspended from the neck, bear- 
ing the impression of some favourite saint, but generally of the Virgin of 
Guadaloupe : some of them are of silver, others merely gilt ; and as, in shape 
and appearance, the latter resemble a doubloon, the poor Indians did not 
know the difference. Nothing can more strongly elucidate the wretched 
ignorance and poverty of the great mass of Indians, than this anecdote. A 
real, Mexican currency, is the eighth of a dollar 

(3) 



18 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

ing an hourly accession of Indians, and some few royalist 
deserters. 

The revolt had by this time spread with electric rapidity, 
over a great part of the kingdom. Even in the city of Mex- 
ico, Puebla de los Angeles, and in other places, the Spanish 
authorities were trembling for their safety. It was a critical 
moment for the Spaniards ; their government was upon the 
very point of being overthrown, and their persons sacrificed. 
The forces of the government were entirely Creole, and if any 
conspicuous officer, at that time, either in the cities of Mex- 
ico or Puebla, had declared in favour of Hidalgo, the revolu- 
tion would have succeeded. 

The Creoles beheld with alarm, their fate depending on an 
ignorant and infuriated body of Indians, and were compelled 
to rally round the existing authorities, as the only means of 
personal safety. Very different would have been their feel- 
ings and conduct, if the revolution had broken out as it was 
originally planned, amongst the -wealthy and leading Creoles 
of the principal cities :' but, as the plot had been prematurely 
frustrated, and the rebellion had commenced with the Indians, 
from whom all classes of whites had as much to fear as the 
Spaniards, and, as the career of Hidalgo and his party was 
marked by horrid excesses, it became the policy, indeed, the 
imperious interest, of the Creoles, to adhere to the viceroy. 
Still, however, there were daily desertions from the royalists; 
and the forces of Hidalgo were assuming a formidable aspect. 
He had already marched eighty leagues, without opposition, 
and was approaching the gates of the city, with at least one 
hundred and ten thousand men. It is true, that amongst this 
vast multitude, there were not more than a thousand muskets, 
but they were animated with a lofty spirit, and were full of 
ardour. Had they been well directed, or been subject to any 
species of order, they might, even with clubs and slings, have 
committed great havoc among their opponents. 

The viceroy Vanegas prepared to resist the storm with 
great firmness, and had previously taken prompt and strong 
measures to throw Hidalgo and his party into confusion. 
He issued proclamations, breathing death and extermination 




MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 19 

against the rebels. He decreed, that whoever should be taken 
with arms in their hands, should be shot, whether they were 
of the clergy or not, or in whatever numbers ; and he allowed 
only fifteen minutes for each criminal to prepare for eternity. 
At the same time, he offered his majesty's pardon to all who 
should return to their allegiance. The church likewise hurled 
its thunders with an unsparing hand. The archbishop of 
Mexico, in the fulness of his holy zeal, declared all the in- 
surgents to be heretics. He excommunicated them in a body, 
with all the ceremony and rigour of papal anathemas ; and 
painted, in vivid colours, the enormity of their crime, in having 
taken up arms against a monarch, on whose head the sacred 
unction had been poured. He ordered all the Spanish clergy, 
and their faithful Creoles, to represent from the pulpit, and 
to circulate reports, that the great object of the revolution- 
ists was to subvert and destroy the holy Catholic religion ; 
and he directed the subaltern clergy to sow discord and un- 
easiness among families, by means of the confessional chair. 
In short, no exertions were spared by the archbishop to alarm 
the credulous, and to agitate the minds of the Mexican people, 
and there is no doubt, that his fulminations had a powerful 
tendency to paralyze the operations of the revolutionists. 

On the approach of Hidalgo to the city of Mexico, the 
viceroy displayed great activity and presence of mind. He 
barricaded the streets, and adopted every manner of defence of 
which the city was susceptible ; all the arms that could be pro- 
cured were distributed among the citizens of the capital, and 
he pointed out to them the dreadful consequences that would 
ensue, in case they permitted Hidalgo and his party to enter 
into the city.. 

A detachment of troops was despatched from the city, un- ■ 
der the command of Truxillo, to check the advance of Hidalgo. 
He took post in a narrow defile of the mountains, at a place 
called Las Cruces, about eight leagues from the capital, where 
he awaited the insurgents. An action took place ; but the 
overwhelming force of Hidalgo compelled him to abandon his 
position, and retreat upon the city, where he arrived, with the 
Ipss of his artillery, and a number of his troops. This dis- 



20 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

aster spread a gloom over the royalists, but the viceroy perse- 
vered in placing the city in a state of defence, and endeavoured, 
by his presence, to animate the people. 

In the account that Truxillo gave of the affair at Las 
'Cruces, a stranger would suppose that he had defended the 
defile with the obstinacy of a Leonidas ; but it appears there 
was a part of the Spartan hero's conduct, which Truxillo and 
some other Spanish officers did not think expedient to imitate. 
He boasts, in his despatch, that such were his loyal feelings and 
indignation, that he had Jired upon the bearers of a fag of 
truce, which Hidalgo had sent to him. 

After the action of Las Cruces, Hidalgo advanced to the 
Hacienda of ^uaximalpa, only five leagues distant from the 
city of Mexico. Hidalgo and his army were now in full 
view of the capital of that kingdom, the overthrow of whose 
government they had resolved to effect. A bold and enter- 
prising man would have decided the fate of the empire in less 
than twenty-four hours. He would have calculated, that, al- 
though his forces were undisciplined, yet they were brave and 
enthusiastic, and such was their great numerical superiority 
over the enemy, that a comparatively trifling sacrifice of lives 
would have ensured success to the attempt. 

Unfortunately, Hidalgo possessed none of the requisites, in 
his character, essential for that critical moment. He paused, 
at the instant that activity and energy should have marked 
all his actions, and, instead of advancing directly to the assault, 
he sent a summons to the viceroy to surrender the city. To 
this demand no answer was returned, and Vanegas contrived, 
by emissaries, to impress Hidalgo with the opinion that the 
preparations for defence had rendered the city almost impreg- 
nable, to a disordered multitude, without fire-arms. Hidalgo 
ought, however, to have considered, that the city contained 
about thirty thousand people of the same description with his 
army, upon whose disaffection to the royalists he could have 
relied, and that the whole armed force did not exceed ten thou- 
sand men, a body by no means sufficient to guard the exten- 
sive lines of that vast city. Had he attacked it at different 
points, with divisions of twenty or thirty thousand men, there 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 21 

would have been, at least, a chance of his succeeding ; while 
the loss of the opportunity he then had of striking a decisive 
blow, would encourage the enemy, and enable them to strength- 
en their defence, and even to act on the offensive. None of 
these reflections appear to have occurred to Hidalgo. On the 
contrary, he was struck with a panic, and, resolving to abandon 
the project of attacking the city, he commenced a retreat, 
after remaining two or tb.ree days in sight of Mexico. 

The viceroy had early despatched Don Felix Maria Calleja 
to concentrate the royal forces, who was actually on his 
march to the relief of the city, with a well appointed Creole 
army of ten thousand men, and a train of artillery, at the 
very time when Hidalgo retreated from before Mexico. 
Vanegas, eased of his apprehensions for the capital, ordered 
Calleja to attack Hidalgo. 

The two armies met at Aculco, where an obstinate and 
bloody battle was fought. The Indians evinced a degree of 
valour entirely unexpected on the part of the royalists. They 
rushed with their clubs on the bayonets of the columns of the 
enemy, and fell in heaps. They were so totally ignorant of 
the effects of artillery, that in the height of their enthusiasm, 
they fearlessly ran up to the cannon, and with their Sombreros 
de petate (flag hats) endeavoured to stop up the muzzles of 
the guns. A scene ensued that baffles description. Without 
order, and under no command, each one acted for himself, 
and confusion was spread in every direction through the army 
of Hidalgo. At length, the discipline of the royal troops 
prevailed ; who, taking advantage of the disorder of the In- 
dians, put them to the rout, and commenced a slaughter, which 
ceased only when the Spaniards had become exhausted with 
the work of death. Calleja, in his despatches, exults that the 
insurgents lost ten thousand men, of whom five thousand 
were deliberately put to the sword. 

After this disastrous battle, Hidalgo retreated on Guana- 
xuato ; from whence he fell back upon Guadalaxara, leaving 
the rear guard under Allende in the former place. 

Calleja, flushed with the victory he had recently gained, 
resolved to follow it up, and accordingly advanced on Guanr 



22 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

axuato. Allende gave him battle at the Hacienda of Marfd, 
about a league from the city. The patriots, in this action, 
were not in a situation to cope with Calleja, but they defended 
themselves with great obstinacy. They were defeated, and 
Allende, with the remains of his troops, retreated on Hidalgo. 
Calleja now entered the city of Guanaxuato as a conqueror, 
and there exhibited his vindictive and cruel disposition with- 
out restraint. Rendered furious by the timely retreat of 
Hidalgo, and at the conduct which the inhabitants of that 
city had displayed in favour of the rebellion, he determined 
to make an example so dreadful, as should strike terror into 
the revolted provinces. 

The sacrifice of the prisoners taken at the battle of Marfil 
was not sufficient to satiate his vindictive spirit. He glutted 
his vengeance on the defenceless populace of Guanaxuato. 
Men, women, and children, were driven, by his orders, into 
the great square ; and several thousand (it is said fourteen) of 
these wretches, were butchered in the most barbarous manner. 
Their throats were cut. The principal fountain of the city 
was literally overflowing with blood, and, far from concealing 
these savage acts, Calleja, in his despatches, exults in the \ 
honour of communicating to the viceroy the intelligence, that 
he had purged the city of its rebellious population. The only 
apology offered for the mode of sacrifice was, that it would 
have wasted too much powder and ball to have shot them, 
and that, therefore, on a principle of economy, their throats 
were cut. 

The tragic scenes of Guanaxuato were the commencement 
of a system of cruelty, which Calleja and his contemporaries 
exercised in almost every city, town, and village, through 
which they marched. His name, united with that of Cruz, 
Concha, Yturvidi, Castanon, Negrette, and Linan, will be 
transmitted to future ages with the bitter execrations of the 
Mexicans. 

This monster soon received proofs from the Cadiz regency, 
of their high satisfaction with his conduct. They appointed 
him to succeed Vanegas in the viceregal power. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 23 

No sooner was he seated in the supreme chair of state, 
than terror spread throughout the empire. Murder, fire, and 
devastation, were dealt out with a merciless hand, and neither 
age, sex, nor condition, could repress the rage of this barba- 
rian. These his qualifications appeared to have met with 
warm admirers in Old Spain, where he was elevated to high 
honours. He was created count of Calderon; and subsequent- 
ly appointed to the command of the expedition formed at 
Cadiz, for the subjugation of South America. Fortunately, 
that expedition has failed, and happy is it for the Americans 
that Calleja did not again pollute the soil of their country ; for 
had he landed on it, his hands would again have been dyed 
in blood, and his ears again delighted with deep-breathed 
maledictions. But to resume the history. 

Hidalgo's army, although it had sustained a loss of at least 
thirty thousand men, in killed, prisoners, and deserters, was 
still about eighty thousand strong; and as some pains had 
been taken to reduce them to order, they were much better 
calculated to make a resistance than before. 

The heavy guns from the works at San Bias had been con- 
veyed to Guadalaxara, and lines were thrown up, which at 
least bore the aspect of fortifications. Hidalgo felt more 
confident, and looked forward to his being able to make a firm 
stand at Guadalaxara. He endeavoured to excite the spirits 
of his army by energetic and judicious harangues, and ear- 
nestly solicited the Indians not to commit the same errors 
that had occurred in the previous combats. Thus prepared, 
he awaited the approach of Calleja, who soon made his ap- 
pearance before the city. The battle was fought at the pass 
of the bridge of Calderon. In the early part of the action, the 
patriots SAvept all before them ; they rushed in among, and 
broke the royal columns. But confusion arising among the 
Indians, a desperate charge was made upon them, by a regi- 
ment which Calleja had kept in reserve. A general rout 
ensued. The Indians, flying in all directions, were pursued, 
and massacred by thousands. 

The most appalling scenes of cruelty were renewed, the 
details of which are forborne, lest the heart of the reader 



24 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

should sicken at the picture of sanguinary horror. Suffice 
it to say, that every prisoner, who fell into the hands of the 
relentless Calleja, was murdered; and a tragedy similar to that 
which was performed at Guanaxuato, was acted at Guadalax- 
ara, towards all persons on whom lighted the least suspicion of 
having supported the cause of Hidalgo. 

The Spaniards, animated by these successes, issued orders 
to exterminate the inhabitants of every town and village that 
manifested symptoms of adherence to the rebels, and, from 
the pulpit, new fulminations flowed against all who opposed 
the royal authority. The most ridiculous stories were circu- 
lated among the credulous and superstitious natives. Tracts 
were published by the clergy, stating that the recent victories 
had been obtained by the special intervention of the Deity, 
who had, during the late actions, exhibited in the clouds crosses 
and palms, in token of His protection to the royal cause. 
These tales were not without effect, particularly over those 
who had already become disheartened by discomfiture. 

Hidalgo, with some of his chief officers, escaped, and took 
the road for the internal provinces.* It is said that he meant 
to attempt by that route to gain the United States. He reached 
a place called Acatila de Bajan, near the Saltillo ; where, him- 
self and his officers were treacherously delivered up by an 
officer named Bustamante, on the 25th of March. In this 
man, Hidalgo had placed the greatest confidence, and he had 

* The internal provinces form three divisions. 1st. Those of the viceroyal- 
ty. — The province of San Luis Potosi ; colony of New Santander ; and New 
Kingdom of Leon. 2d. Eastern internal provinces. — Cohahuila and Texas. 
3d. Western. — Durango, Sonora, New Mexico, and the Californias. 

The eastern and western provinces are each commanded by a commandant 
general. 

The commandant general of the eastern provinces, commands, in a milita- 
ry point of view, those of New Santander, New Kingdom of Leon, Cohahuila, 
and Texas ; but the finances of the two last only, pass through his hands. 
Those of the other two, and of San Luis, are remitted direct to the Treasury 
of Mexico, by the intendant of the intendancy of San Luis Potosi. The head 
quarters of the eastern commandant general are at Monterey. 

The commandant general of the western provinces commands, in every 
respect, Durango, Sonora, New Mexico, and the Calefornias ; his head quar- 
ters are at Chihuahua. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 25 

previously been attached to his party. Hidalgo was taken to 
Chihuahua, in the intendancy of Durango, and there shot, on 
the 27th of July, 1811. 

It appears, by the accounts published in the Gazette of 
Mexico, that, a few hours before his death, he made a solemn 
recantation of his errors ; and there is a long address, said to 
be written by him, in which he unfolds to his countrymen the 
enormity of their crime, in taking up arms against their legi- 
timate sovereign, and entreats them to return to their duty, 
&c. The friends of Hidalgo say, that all this is a royal for- 
gery, and that he died supplicating Heaven to favour the 
struggles of his country for independence. But be this as it 
may, it is well known now, that such arts, on the part of the 
royalists, have been frequently employed, since the death of 
Hidalgo ; for, scarcely a single patriot chief of note has been 
executed, whose penitence, and formal abjuration of the cause 
he had espoused, has not been published in the Mexican Ga- 
zette. 

Allende, who was taken with Hidalgo, suffered death on 
the 20th of June, 1811: all the other officers were likewise 
executed, about the same time. 



M 



26 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 



CHAPTER II. 

State of the Revolution, after the Death of Hidalgo — General 
Do?i Jose Maria Morelos — Capture of Oaxaca and Aca- 
pulco — Formation of a Congress and Constitution — 'Mani- 
festo of the Junta of Zultepec — Defeat at Valladolid — Gene- 
ral Matamoros taken prisoner and shot — Capture of More- 
los, at Tepecuacuilco — His Death — Arrival of the Congress 
at Tchuacan — General Observations. 

THE flame of civil war had, by this time, spread itself 
over a great part of the kingdom ; and, notwithstanding the 
disasters of Hidalgo, the exterminating decrees of the viceroy, 
and the anathemas of the church, the cause of liberty was 
rapidly gaining proselytes. 

Many of the officers, who had escaped from the fatal action 
of the bridge of Calderon, retired to the different provinces, 
where they raised considerable bodies of Creoles and Indians, 
and soon astonished the royalists by their valorous exploits. 
With slings and clubs, they gained many important victories, 
and thus were enabled to procure fire-arms. 

The Cadiz regency, at the end of November, 1811, des- 
patched a body of European troops to Mexico. These, how- 
ever, were soon destroyed, by the partisan warfare carried on 
by the Mexicans. 

The patriots gained battle after battle, but a total want of 
concerted plans, and a deficiency of arms and munitions of 
war, rendered their successes of mere temporary consequence, 
and only gave them an influence over the country within their 
immediate range. This influence, however, was daily en- 
larging, and at length the great provinces of Guanaxuato* 
Valladolid, Nerv Galicia, Zacatecas, and parts of the provinces 
of La Puebla, Vera Cruz, Mexico, and San Luis Potosi, were 
so far under the controul of the patriots, that the royalists 
were penned up in their few fortified cities, and could not 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 27 

move beyond their walls, but with large armies, and trains of 
artillery. The royalists, notwithstanding, possessed many very 
important and decided advantages over the patriots. They 
acted in unison. The European Spaniards, and their Creole 
adherents, were under the direction of a government firmly 
established for centuries, which now bent all its energies in 
the same direction ; they had men among them of military 
instruction, were in possession of nearly every musket, and 
cannon, and all the munitions of war in the kingdom ; their 
finances were conducted by system ; their governors were 
adepts in the intrigues of the old world ; and, lastly, they kept 
open, and maintained an external communication, by which 
they were abundantly supplied with men, arms, munitions of 
war, clothing, and every requisite, from abroad. 

The patriots, on the other hand, were disunited, and spread 
over a vast space of territory. Without any form of govern- 
ment, that deserved the name, there was no source from 
whence regular orders could emanate, and, each provincial 
chief, or commandant, acted as his judgment or interest coun- 
selled. They were miserably ignorant of the military art, 
and, as before stated, deficient in arms, and munitions of war. 
Their finances were under no regulation. However great 
the wealth that fell into their hands, it was soon squandered, 
without being employed in a manner beneficial to the nation. 
They were, besides, totally cut off from all foreign intercourse. 
Many of their leaders were unlettered men, and although 
brave and frank, yet were perpetually liable to be deceived by 
the finesse and duplicity of their opponents. 

With all these great disadvantages on the side of the pa- 
triots, it cannot be so surprising that they did not succeed, as 
it is a matter of astonishment, that they should have progress- 
ed so far as they actually had done, at the time, when the 
distinguished patriot, Don Jose Maria Morelos, became the 
supreme military chief of the republic. This man was a 
priest, of excellent private character, and much better informed 
than Hidalgo, but was entirely unacquainted with military 
science. He began his career, by forming a body of men, in 
the western part of the province of Valladolid in the Tierra 



28 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Caliante, along the coast of the Pacific ocean. His standard 
was joined by many distinguished Creoles, and by numbers of 
deserters from the European troops. He had some tolerable 
officers, and he at length succeeded by great perseverance and 
activity, in equipping, and partially arming a body of seven 
thousand men. They were well clothed, and good discipline 
was established among them. They were enthusiastically 
attached to their commander, and sincerely devoted to the 
freedom of their country. So that Morelos had the satisfac- 
tion to see all his orders obeyed with alacrity and cheerfulness. 
With this force of seven thousand men, Morelos not only 
paralyzed the movements of the Spaniards, but alarmed them 
infinitely more than Hidalgo had done, with his heterogeneous 
mass of one hundred and ten thousand. 

Morelos sent a division of his army into the rich province 
of Qaxaca, whose capital soon fell into his hands, together with 
immense wealth. The population of Oaxaca received him with 
open arms, and thousands joined his army. Having accom- 
plished his views on Oaxaca, he invested the strong city and 
castle of Acapulco, which he reduced, after a siege of fifteen 
months. Such was the cramped and distracted situation of 
the royalists, at that time, that they could not command a 
force sufficient to attempt the relieving of Acapulco ; and, 
indeed, several Spanish officers have expressed their opinions 
to the writer, that the most critical epoch of the revolution, 
was just after Morelos had captured Acapulco. At that 
period, several other chiefs were operating in various parts of 
of the kingdom, and distracting the movements of the royal- 
ists in every direction. Don Guadalupe Victoria had secured 
the strong holds in the province of Vera Cruz. Don Manuel 
Teran had a respectable force in the province of Puebla. 
Ossourno, with another division, was spreading terror and 
and confusion in the province of Mexico ; while Dr. Coss, a 
priest, the Rayons, Bustamente, Liceaga, and other brave offi- 
cers, occupied a great part of the provinces of Guanaxuato, 
Valladolid, Zacatecas, and New Galicia, with considerable 
divisions. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION". 29 

If Morelos had concentrated his forces in the province of 
Oaxaca, and fortified the important passes in the mountains 
of the Misteca, which constitute the only keys to its entrance ; 
if he had directed his attention to preserve the strong city of 
Acapulco, and opened the ports of Oaxaca, on the Pacific 
ocean, to foreign commerce; and, if he had sent a division of 
his army, through the province of Oaxaca, to the eastward of 
Vera Cruz, and had taken possession of all the country at the 
bottom of the Gulf of Mexico, particularly of the jine port of 
Guasacualco, and opened a trade with the United States, and 
the British Colonies, so as to have procured from abroad, 
arms, munitions of war, and clothing for his troops ; then in- 
deed would the Mexican revolution have assumed another 
aspect, and, in all human probability, would have speedily 
triumphed. The forces of Morelos, at that time, were amply 
sufficient to have executed those objects ; and the funds he had 
at his disposal, after the capture of Oaxaca, would have en- 
abled him to pay for all that was required from abroad, for 
the use of his army. 

Upwards of one thousand seroons of cochineal, and two 
millions of dollars in specie, were at the disposal of the re- 
public, after the capture of Oaxaca ; but these immense re- 
sources were soon annihilated in scenes of dissipation, or by 
the bad management of those, to whom were entrusted the 
national treasury. 

The royalists may now very justly say, they were saved by 
the ignorance of Morelos, or his inattention to all those essen- 
tial matters ; in fact, he had become too sanguine of success, 
and conceived he would soon be able to march to the city of 
Mexico ; presuming, that when he had reduced the capital, 
then the city of Vera Cruz, and all the other seaports, would 
fall, as a matter of course. 

Morelos, in the midst of his military successes, appeared 
more anxious for the welfare of his country, than to display 
the character of a military chieftain. He was the first to pro- 
pose and promote the formation of a civil government, and 
thereby gave an unequivocal proof of his patriotism. He fre- 
quently acknowledged, to his intimate friends, that he wished 



30 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

to divide a responsibility, which he felt himself unequal to 
sustain. With these views, he convened a congress. It was 
composed of forty members, from the different provinces. 
Don Jose Maria Liceaga was elected president. A constitu- 
tion was framed, at Apatzinjan in the province of Vailadolid, 
accepted, and sworn to, throughout all the provinces which 
had taken up arms in favour of the republic. Whatever may- 
be the defects of that constitution, it certainly displays more 
wisdom, than could have been expected from men, brought 
up as the framers of it had been, and situated as they then 
were. 

The first important act, of this legislative body, was to 
present to their European brethren, a manifesto, stating the 
causes which had compelled them to take up arms. They 
reiterated their desire for peace, upon the basis of representa- 
tion and justice, and on those terms, they offered to lay down 
their arms. This manifesto was energetic and just, but 
breathed, throughout, a spirit of conciliation ; it reiterated the 
same sentiments that had been presented to the viceroy in 
1812, by the patriotic junta of Zultepec, which in substance 
was as follows. 

Conditions, on which the patriots were ready to sign an 
armistice, for the suspension of hostilities, and to enter into a 
treaty with the royalists. — 

" First. The sovereignty resides in the mass of the nation. 
Second. Spain and America are integral parts of the same mo- 
narchy, subject to the same king, but respectively equal, and 
without any dependence and subordination, one to the other. 
Third. America, in her state of fidelity, has more right to 
convoke the Cortes, and call together representatives of the 
few patriots of Spain, already infected with disloyalty, than 
Spain has to call over deputies from America, by means of 
whom, we can never be worthily represented. Fourth. Dur- 
ing the absence of the king, the inhabitants of the Peninsula 
have no right to appropriate to themselves the sovereign pow- 
er, and represent it in these dominions. Fifth. All the au- 
thorities, emanating from this origin, are null. Sixth. For the 
American nation to conspire against them, by refusing to sub- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 31 

mit to an arbitrary power, is no more than using its own rights. 
Seventh. This, far from being a crime of high treason, is a 
service worthy of the king's gratitude, and a proof of patriot- 
ism, which his majesty would appi"ove, if he were on the spot. 
Eighth. After what has occurred in the Peninsula, as well as 
in this country, since the overthrow of the throne, the Ame- 
rican nation has a right to require a guarantee for its security, 
and this can be no other, than putting into execution the right 
which it has, of keeping these dominions for their legitimate 
sovereign, by itself, and without the intervention of any Eu- 
ropean people." 

From these incontrovertible principles, the following just 
pretensions are deduced. 

" First. That the Europeans resign the command of the arm- 
ed force, into the hands of a national congress, independent of 
Spain, representing Ferdinand VII., and capable of securing 
his rights in these dominions. Second. That the Europeans 
remain in the class of citizens, being under the protection of 
the laws, without being injured in their persons, families, or 
property. Third. That the Europeans, at present in office, 
remain, with the honours, distinctions, and privileges thereof, 
and part of their revenue, without exercising them. Fourth. 
That as soon as this state of independency is declared, all an- 
tecedent injuries and occurrences be buried in oblivion; the 
most effectual measures, for this purpose, are to be adopted, 
and all the inhabitants of this land, as well Creoles as Euro- 
peans, shall indiscriminately constitute a nation of American 
citizens, vassals of Ferdinand VII., and bent only on promot- 
ing the public felicity. Fifth. That, in such a case, America 
would be able to contribute in favour of the few Spaniards 
engaged in sustaining the war of Spain, with those sums the 
national congress may assign, in testimony of our fraternity 
with the Peninsula, and to prove that both aspire to the same 
end. Sixth. That the Europeans, who may be desirous of 
quitting the kingdom, be granted passports for whatever place 
they may wish; but, in that case, officers shall not be allowed 
the portion of their pay, that might have been granted them. 17 



32 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Conditions on which the patriots proposed to prosecute the 
war. 

" First. A war, between brethren and fellow-citizens, ought 
not to be more cruel than between foreign nations. Second. 
The two contending parties acknowledge Ferdinand VII. : 
of this, the Americans have given evident proofs, by swear- 
ing allegiance to him, and proclaiming him in every part; by 
carrying his portrait as their emblem ; invoking his august 
name in their acts and proceedings, and stamping it on their 
coins and money. On him, the enthusiasm of all rests, and 
on these grounds, the insurrectional party has always acted. 
Third. The rights of nations and of war, inviolable even 
amongst the most infidel and savage people, ought to be much 
more so amongst us, who profess the same creed, and who are 
subject to the same sovereign and laws. Fourth. It is oppos- 
ed to Christian morality, to act from hatred, rancour, or per- 
sonal revenge. Fifth. Since the sword is to decide the dis- 
pute, and not the arms of reason and prudence, by means of 
agreements and adjustments, founded on the basis of natural 
equity ; the contest ought to be continued in such a manner, 
as to be least shocking to humanity ; already too much afflict- 
ed not to merit our most tender compassion." 

Hence are naturally deduced, the following just pretensions. 

" First. That prisoners be not treated as criminals, guilty 
of high treason. Second. That no one be sentenced to death, 
or execution, for this cause, but that all be kept as hostages, 
for the purpose of exchange ; that they be not molested with 
irons and imprisonment ; and, as this is a measure of precau- 
tion, let them be put loose in places where they cannot injure 
the views of the party by whom they may be detained. Third. 
That each one be treated according to his class and condition. 
Fourth. That, as the rights of war do not permit the effusion 
of blood, but in the act of combat, when this is over, let no 
one be killed ; nor let those be fired upon who fly, or throw 
down their arms ; but let them be made prisoners by the victor. 
Fifth. That as it is contrary to the same rights, as well as to 
those of nature, to enter, with fire and sword, into the defence- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 33 

less towns, or to assign, by tenths and fifths, persons to be 
shot, by which the innocent are confounded with the guilty ; 
let no one be allowed, under the most severe penalties, to 
commit such enormities as those, which so greatly dishonour 
a Christian and civilized people. Sixth. That the inhabitants 
of the defenceless towns, through which the contending par- 
ties indiscriminately may pass, be not injured. Seventh. That 
as by this time, every person is undeceived with regard to the 
true motives of this war, and it being unwarrantable to connect 
this contest with the cause of religion, as was attempted at the 
beginning, let the ecclesiastical orders abstain from prostituting 
their ministry, within the limits of their jurisdiction, by decla- 
mations, reproaches, or in any other way; nor ought the ecclesi- 
astical tribunals to interfere in an affair exclusively of the state, 
and which does not belong to them. If they continue to act 
as they have heretofore done, they will certainly disgrace their 
dignity, as experience daily proves; and expose their decrees 
and censures to the scorn, derision, and contempt, of the peo- 
p^b, who, in the mass, are anxiously wishing the success of the 
country. It being well understood, that, in case the clergy are 
not thus restrained, we feel no longer answerable for the re- 
sults that may occur from the enthusiasm and indignation of 
the people ; although, on our part, we protest, now and for ever, 
our profound respect and veneration for their character and 
jurisdiction, in matters relating to their ministry. Eighth. 
That, as this is a matter of the greatest importance, and con- 
cerns indiscriminately all and every inhabitant of this land, 
this manifesto and its propositions ought to be published, by 
means of the public prints of the capital, in order that the 
people, composed of Americans and Europeans, being inform- 
ed of what so deeply interests them, may be enabled to point 
out their will, which ought to be the guide of all our opera- 
tions. Ninth. That, in case none of these plans are admitted, 
reprisals shall be rigorously observed. 

" Behold, here, brethren and friends, the propositions we 
present to you, founded on the principles of natural equity. 
In one hand, we offer you the olive branch ; and in the other, 
the sword; never losing sight of those bonds by which we 



34 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

are united, always bearing in mind, that European blood cir- 
culates in our veins, and that the same blood which is now so 
fast shedding, to the great detriment of the monarchy, and 
for the purpose of maintaining it integral during the ab- 
sence of the king, is all Spanish. What objection can you 
have to examine our pretensions ? How can you palliate the 
blind obstinacy of refusing to hear us ? Are we, perchance, 
inferior to the populace of a single town in Spain ? and are you 
of a superior hierarchy to kings ? Charles III. descended 
from his throne, to listen to a plebeian, who spoke in the name 
of the people of Madrid. To Charles IV. the tumult of 
Aranjuez cost no less than the abdication of his crown. Is it, 
then, the Americans alone, when they seek to speak to their 
brethren, to whom they are in every sense equal, and at a time 
when the king can no longer be had, who are to be answered 
with the fire of musketry ? 

" If, now, when we address you for the last time, since we 
have often in vain endeavoured to fix your attention, you re- 
fuse to admit any of our plans, at least, we shall rest satisfied 
with having proposed them, in compliance with the most sa- 
cred duties, which the good man cannot behold with indiffer- 
ence. In this manner shall we be justified in the eyes of the 
world, and posterity will not have to accuse us of irregular 
proceedings. But in this case, remember, there is a severe 
and supreme Judge, to whom, sooner or later, you will have 
to give in an account of your operations, and of their results 
and enormities ; of all which, henceforward, we make you 
answerable. Remember, that the fate of America is not de- 
cided ; that the combat is not always favourable to you ; and 
that reprisals are, at all times, most terrible. Brethren, friends, 
and fellow-citizens, let us embrace, and be happy, instead of 
mutually bringing misfortunes on our heads." 

Thus did the Mexicans explain their rights, their wishes, 
and their loyalty : but these documents, as well as many other 
attempts at pacification, were always treated by the royalists 
with scorn. They declared it derogatory to Spanish dignity, to 
treat with vile and malignant insurgents : they affected to look 
on the patriots as rebels, unworthy the rights of humanity, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 35 

threatening them with total extermination ; and, during the 
reign of the barbarous Calleja, cruelty was clothed in its most 
terrific garb — every insurgent that fell into their hands, was 
immediately sacrificed. 

Is it a matter of surprise, that, under such deep and dread- 
ful provocations, the Mexican patriots should resort to acts of 
blood and retaliation ? In truth, it was the only mode calcu- 
lated to repress the savage atrocities of the royalists. The 
consequences of this retaliatory system, spread with electric 
rapidity through this once pacific people. Man, by daily 
witnessing scenes of cruelty, soon becomes callous to the feel- 
ings of humanity. 

Philanthropists, in their closets, may deplore these excesses, 
and deprecate the exercise of revenge ; but those only, who 
have been placed in the situation of beholding their families, 
friends, and companions, butchered in cold blood, — who have 
seen villages and estates laid waste by fire, — who have wit- 
nessed thousands of human beings compelled to fly for refuge 
among the beasts of the forest, can form an adequate concep- 
tion of the imperious necessity, and even gratification, accom- 
panying acts of retaliation. 

Hidalgo and Morelos, as well as many other patriot chiefs, 
have given numerous proofs of the exercise of mercy; but 
rarely indeed has this virtue appeared in the conduct of the 
royal chiefs. Hundreds of European Spaniards are now living 
in Mexico, who were taken prisoners on the field of battle ; 
but there breathes scarcely a single insurgent, taken under 
similar circumstances. During the reign of the Spanish Nero, 
clemency was a crime; and whenever he heard that any of his 
officers, in contravention of his orders, had listened to the ap- 
peals of a wretched prisoner, he ordered such officer to be 
dismissed or severely reprimanded, and the victim to be im- 
mediately put to death. We were witness to a heart-rending 
scene of this nature. About forty prisoners, who had been 
captured several days after an action, and had been found in 
the woods unarmed, were pardoned by a commandant of the 
royalists, and had been induced by him to enlist among the 
royal troops. A few days after their enlistment, eight of them 



36 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

deserted. On the receipt of this intelligence, the viceroy or- 
dered the remaining thirty-two to be taken from the royal 
ranks, and shot. The gallant commandant refused to obey 
the barbarous mandate, and sent a respectful remonstrance to 
Calleja on the subject, — the former order was repeated; but, 
in the meantime, an opportunity was afforded the prisoners to 
make their escape, which they effected, with the exception of 
four, who were shot : the commandant was suspended from 
his command. Were we to relate one-.third of the horrors 
committed by Calleja's orders, they would not only occupy 
too large a space in our volume, but would appear incredible 
to our readers. We feel great pleasure, however, in stating, 
that the successor of Calleja, Don Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, 
the present viceroy, has displayed a character the reverse of 
his predecessor ; and several of his officers have, on many 
occasions, given proofs, that a merciful spirit may be found in 
the breast of a European Spaniard. But such had been the 
sanguinary education of the officers and soldiers, and such 
their habitual practice of indiscriminately sacrificing the insur- 
gent prisoners, that, on the part of the royalists, the work of 
extermination continued to rage with nearly the same fury, as 
during the first three years of the revolution. 

The disgraceful and barbarous warfare, which was adopted 
in Mexico, and which still rages there and in South America, 
had its origin solely in the outrageous decrees of the Spanish 
government, and in the conduct of Spanish officers sent to 
America to execute those sanguinary mandates. All the offers 
of Hidalgo, Morelos, and other chiefs, to adopt an exchange 
of prisoners, and to prosecute the war according to the usages 
of civilized nations, were invariably treated with contempt 
by the royalists. Hence has resulted a growing and deadly 
hatred, on the part of the Americans, against European Spa- 
niards, — an inextinguishable spirit of revenge, which sus- 
pends upon a fragile thread the life of every Spaniard in 
America. This is known and felt by many a Spaniard now 
residing in Mexico, although the government of Spain appears 
not yet to be sensible of the important fact. The Indians and 
Creoles never will, never can, forgive or forget their former 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 37 

grievances, and the recent cruelties which have been practised 
on them. It is now too late to attempt to regain the affections 
or homage of these people; and Spain will, ere long, discover 
that it is impossible to bind them with their former shackles. 
To suppose that the fires and eruptions of Mount Etna might 
be suppressed by throwing a platform of wood over the mouth 
of the crater, would not be more ridiculous, than to suppose 
that the population of America, can continue to be controlled 
by Spain. 

In making the preceding remarks, we have been guided by 
a mass of proofs derived from personal knowledge, and by the 
careful perusal of authentic documents from royalists and pa- 
triots. The development of these facts may excite the dis- 
pleasure of the Spanish government, and wound the pride of 
the European Spaniard; but we feel bound to place them be- 
fore the civilized world, in justice to the much injured inha- 
bitants of Southern America, as well as to perform our duty 
as a citizen of the United States, and consequently an avowed 
enemy to all governments inimical to rational freedom. 

To return to the operations of Morelos. After the capture 
of Oaxaca, the numerical strength of his army was much aug- 
mented : but the prevalence of inattention to discipline, and 
the conduct of the officers, in indulging in relaxation in that 
luxurious climate, combined with the strange and clashing 
decrees of a legislative body, who were inexperienced as well 
as deficient in energy, rendered it impossible for Morelos to 
strike a decisive blow against the enemy. No sooner did he 
and his officers form any military plan, than its merits became 
the subject of discussion in the Mexican congress, and thus 
was rendered ineffectual by delay, or became known to the 
enemy. The Spanish government put in motion every engine 
of intrigue, to gain over to its interests part of the members 
of the Mexican congress ; and some intercepted despatches, 
which fell into the hands of the patriot chiefs, unfolded to them 
the weakness, or rather treachery, of several distinguished 
individuals of their own party. Jealousy, of course, ensued ; 
confidence was shaken between the military and civil authori- 



38 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

ties, and hence originated the train of serious disasters, which 
will be related in the sequel. 

Morelos, on learning that the royalists had retaken Valla- 
dolid, and strongly fortified it, marched to effect its reduction, 
without reflecting that his army was generally composed of the 
natives of Tierra Calienta, and consequently not adapted to 
carry on warfare in the cold regions. His attempt, therefore, 
on Valladolid, was not only unsuccessful, but he lost a great 
number of men, and was compelled to make, a precipitate re- 
treat to the warm country. 

The royalists now became animated with fresh courage, and 
determined on pursuing the patriot army. At the hacienda 
of Puruaran, they met a division under the command of the 
patriot general Matamoros. The royalists began the combat 
with great fury, while the patriots defended themselves with 
such obstinacy, that almost every individual of the division 
was cut to pieces, and the general remained a prisoner in the 
hands of the royalists. 

Matamoros was a priest, and had, on several occasions, 
displayed great valour, and more military talent than any other 
officer in the patriot service. It is generally believed, that if 
he had enjoyed the supreme command, instead of the second 
rank, he would have pursued a very different, and probably a 
more successful course, than that which Morelos had adopted. 

The official despatches of the royalists, on the capture of 
Matamoros, evince the high opinion they entertained of him. 
They refused an offer made by Morelos, to exchange several 
Spanish officers and men, whom he then held as prisoners, for 
the captured general, and although the former threatened to 
make a dreadful retaliation, in case Matamoros was sacrificed, 
yet the royalists, in despite of offers and menaces, caused him 
to be shot. 

Morelos, after experiencing many disasters and difficulties, 
finding that the province of Valladolid was not a suitable the- 
atre for his army, nor a place of security for the residence of 
the Mexican congress, which then held its sessions at a place 
called Ario, resolved on transferring his head quarters to the 
city of Tehuacan, in the province of La Puebla, where the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 39 

patriot chief Teran had a respectable division. With this 
view, he put his army in motion, taking with him the mem- 
bers of congress, and a great number of women and children. 
We have been informed, by several persons who accompanied 
that expedition, that it resembled more the emigration of a 
vast body of people, than the march of an army. The road, 
for several leagues, was covered with baggage wagons and 
mules: no order was observed on the march; and the military 
forces were so scattered, that, in case of an attack, it would 
have been impracticable to form a junction with promptitude. 
Morelos does not appear to have made the least calculation on 
being assaulted: he conceived that such was his superiority of 
numbers, that the royalists would not dare to molest him on 
his route. He continued his march, without opposition, for 
several days. He at length separated from the main body of 
his army, and reached a place called Tepecuacuilco, with a 
small division of cavalry. He there made a halt, intending 
to remain until his main force should come up. 

The royalists, in the meantime, had gained intelligence, 
by means of spies, whom they had placed in Morelos' army, 
of all his movements ; and, although they had several times 
appeared on his flanks and rear during the march, yet they 
had not shown a disposition to bring him to action. No soon- 
er, however, were they informed that Morelos, with his small 
party of cavalry, had detached himself from his main body, 
than they resolved to seize on the advantage thus offered to 
them. They accordingly pushed on, and came up with him at 
Tepecuacuilco. After a short combat, Morelos was taken 
prisoner, on the 5th of November, 1815. He was sent to 
Mexico, and delivered over to the Holy Office. The cities 
and towns in the kingdom, in possession of the royalists, gave 
way to the most extravagant demonstrations of joy, on the 
capture of the patriot chief. This event they considered as 
the termination of the contest. ^ 

The Inquisition acted a conspicuous part. After declaring 
Morelos a heretic, and degrading him, with all its solemn 
forms, that tribunal delivered him over to the military autho- 
rity, which, in its turn, declared him a traitor, and sentenced 



40 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

him to be shot. The sentence was carried into effect, on the 
22d of December, 1815, at San Christoval^ in the environs of 
the city of Mexico. 

On this occasion, there was published a document, with the 
signature of Morelos, in which he was represented as making 
a solemn recantation of his errors ; as exhorting his deluded 
countrymen to return to their allegiance to the Spanish go- 
vernment; and, after imploring the forgiveness of his God and 
his king, acknowledging the justice of the punishment he was 
about to suffer. There was likewise published another docu- 
ment, wherein he offered, that if the viceroy would grant him 
his life, he would engage effectually to quell the insurrection. 

Both these documents have been declared by the patriots to 
be forgeries of the royalists ; and in support of this assertion, 
they have published some very able papers. Indeed, some of 
the royalists, who were present at the execution of Morelos, 
have had the candour to acknowledge, that he died in the most 
heroic manner, fervently praying for the emancipation of his 
country, and sternly refusing to answer any interrogatories, 
tending to compromise the safety, or to develop the views, of 
the patriots. 

The death of Morelos was a serious blow to the cause of 
his party, as he was the only one, among their chiefs, whose 
orders were implicitly obeyed. The forces under his command 
were much better organized than any other troops in the coun- 
try; and they had, on several occasions, displayed great va- 
lour, particularly in the siege of Zitaquaro, where they gained 
a victory over a superiority of numbers. The memorable 
siege of Acapulco, which occupied fifteen months, evidenced 
the great influence that Morelos possessed over his army; for 
otherwise it would have been impossible, in such a climate, to 
cause raw troops to display so much perseverance. In fact, 
all the royalists, with whom the writer conversed, expressed 
their belief, that, had Morelos safely reached Tehuacan; and 
there concentrated the divisions of the other patriot chiefs, he 
would have been able, in a few weeks, to have destroyed any 
force that the royalists, at that time, could have brought against 
them. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 41 

In proportion as the death of Morelos excited fresh courage 
among the royalists, it occasioned depression and confusion 
among the patriots. Dissensions took place in the Mexican 
congress ; while, among the military chieftains, ambition to 
obtain the supreme command became the dominant passion. 
Each refused to act in concert with the other, and endeavoured 
to promote his separate interests at the expense of those of 
his country. 

The royalists were not idle, at this juncture. They knew 
that the continuance of their power depended upon keeping up 
this spirit of jealousy among the patriot chiefs ; and they 
employed bribery, and every other available means, to pre- 
vent a union of the revolutionists, well knowing, that so long 
as they remained scattered in divisions throughout the pro- 
vinces, it would be easy to beat them in detail. 

The fatal consequences flowing from these dissensions 
among the patriots, will be found detailed, in their proper 
place, in the sequel. 

The members of the Mexican congress, after the capture of 
'Morelos, pursued their route to Tehuacan, where they arrived, 
and began to exercise their legislative functions, by issuing 
decrees, which were obeyed, or disregarded, as suited the in- 
terests or inclinations of the military commandants to whom 
they were addressed. 

Don Manuel Mici y Teran, the commander-in-chief at Te- 
huacan, was viewed with a jealous eye by several members of 
the congress ; and he discovered their intentions to deprive 
him of his command. As the officers and soldiers of Teran 
were devoted to him, and as he conceived that he was likely 
to fall a victim to the intrigues of the congress, he resolved on 
the bold step of dissolving that body, and of seizing the per- 
sons of the members. Accordingly, he sent a military force to 
the house where they were assembled, and put them all under 
arrest. We have seen his manifesto, in justification of this 
daring act; and although we do not pretend to decide that his 
alleged reasons for the measure are perfectly satisfactory, yet 
his subsequent conduct proved that he was not guided by any 
views hostile to the welfare of his country. Neither does he 
(6) 



42 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

appear to have dishonoured his character, by any act of re- 
venge against those members of the congress who had previ- 
ously determined on his destruction ; but, on th£ contrary, 
although they were completely in his power, he liberated them 
all, gave some of them money, and permitted them to depart 
from Tehuacan, and proceed to any place they thought proper. 

The dissolution of the Mexican congress, by this arbitrary 
act of Teran, was, however, a fatal event to the cause of the 
patriots ; for, the military commanders, in the different pro- 
vinces, no longer considering themselves subservient to any 
orders, openly assumed the character of independent chiefs 
in their respective jurisdictions. They all avowed a deadly 
hostility to Teran. The extraordinary character of this man, 
who had not only to contend against the royalists, but likewise 
against the machinations of his compatriots, will be described 
in our subsequent details of the revolution. 

At the time that the revolutionary cause in Mexico assumed 
this gloomy and desperate aspect, the gallant Spanish general 
Mina was forming a project, in London, in its favour. This 
brave youth had rendered eminent services to his native coun- 
try, and had been a principal instrument in frustrating the 
designs of the emperor Napoleon, with regard to Spain. His 
distinguished services were requited by the ungrateful Ferdi- 
nand, in the manner which will be detailed in the following 
chapter. 

Prior to Mina's departure from London, he had received 
some accounts of the disasters in Mexico, which we have 
briefly noticed : but, so far from his ardour being damped by 
the unpropitious intelligence, it appeared to furnish him with 
new incentives to resume his deeds of hardihood and valour, 
in the cause of an oppressed people. The constancy of this 
high-minded Spaniard, struggling with obstacles almost insur- 
mountable, has rarely been equalled — never excelled. 

The reader will find, in the annexed biographical sketch of 
Mina, and in the relation of his daring exploits in Mexico, the 
portrait of a hero, worthy of occupying, on the page of history, 
a distinguished rank among the martyrs of liberty. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 43 



CHAPTER III. 

General 31ina — His early life, and career in Spain — His mo- 
tives for embarking in the cause of Mexico — Arrival at, and 
transactions in Baltimore— Departure of the Expedition- 
Occurrences at Port au Prince — Arrival of the Expedition 
at Galvezton — 'Treachery of Correa — Departure of the Ex- 
pedition from Galvezton, arid its arrival off" the bar of the 
River Santander — Disembarkation of the Division. 

DON XAVIER MINA was born in the month of De- 
cember, 1789. He was the eldest son of a well-born and 
respected proprietary, whose domains lay near the town of 
Monreal, in the kingdom of Navarre. Brought up among 
the mountains of his native province, he was accustomed to 
wander through their rich vallies, and to pursue the chase 
amidst the grandeur of the Pyrenees. His faculties, thus 
nurtured and exercised, expanded themselves at an early pe- 
riod, while his mind imbibed all the energy of an unconquerable 
boldness. The wild aspect, the rugged scenery of an Alpine 
country, and the cheerful and buoyant feelings they excite, are 
well known to have a powerful effect upon the formation of 
character. It is there that the simple mountaineer, removed 
from the influence of the refinements of society, escapes its 
corruption ; and we find the elevated valley " dignified as the 
abode of bravery and virtue." It is there, that the elements 
of great and noble daring are cherished ; that patriotism is a 
feeling of spontaneous growth ; and thence have sprung those 
heroic spirits, whose exalted deeds have shed a lustre on hu- 
manity. 

The early studies of Mina were*pursued at Pampeluna and 
at Saragossa. In 1808, at the commencement of the resist- 
ance of the Spaniards to the French invasion, he was a student 
in the university of Saragossa. At that period, between 
eighteen and nineteen years of age, he felt the strong enthu- 



44 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

siasm of the times. When the massacre at Madrid, of the 
2d of May, shook all Spain, and the cry of vengeance was 
heard from the Ebro to the Guadiana, he abandoned his stu- 
dies, joined the army of the north of Spain, as a volunteer, 
and was present at the battles of Alcornes, Maria, and Bel- 
chite. The events of that period are still fresh in our remem» 
brance : — the general rising of the Spanish nation, and the 
awakening of the heroism of the Spanish people, from the 
slumber in which it had been spell-bound, since the days of 
Charles V. 

Irritated at the capture of his armies, Napoleon, at this time, 
began to pour fresh troops into Spain ; and it became particu- 
larly important to the Spaniards to have a communication 
with France, as the means of procuring intelligence. The 
gallant young Mina undertook the enterprise. Availing him- 
self of his knowledge of the country, the peasantry, and the 
passes of the mountains, he executed it with complete suc- 
cess ; establishing a secret communication with the provinces 
of France, adjacent to the Pyrenees, by which much valuable 
information, of what was passing in France, was obtained by 
the Spanish generals. 

The Spanish armies, however, were unable to cope with the 
numerous and veteran troops with which Napoleon overspread 
the country, and, being defeated in every regular encounter, 
they retreated before the French. 

The Catalonian army, after the defeat at Belchite, a town 
to the southward of Saragossa, fell back to Tortosa, while 
the French occupied a line extending in the direction of the 
southern frontier of Arragon, into Catalonia. 

It was in this gloomy situation of affairs, that Xavier Mina 
formed a determination, which had the most important effects, 
not only upon his own fortune in life, but upon the whole war 
in Spain. He resolved to pass through the line of the French 
position, and, gaining his native province of Navarre, to make 
its mountains and fastnesses the theatre of his hostile opera- 
tions ; to hang on the rear of the invaders, to intercept their 
convoys and couriers, and to cut off their straggling detach-? 
ments. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 45 

In an evening walk he first communicated, to a friend and 
kinsman, his plans and schemes ; and unfolded, with enthusi- 
asm, his hopes, and fears, and visions of glory. His kinsman 
heard him to the end in silence, and then pointing to a gibbet 
which stood near, " If you succeed, it will be great : if you 
fail, there is your portion," wjis his reply. In answer to his 
solicitation to be permitted to put his plans in execution, the 
Spanish general told him it would only be throwing away his 
life, as he would be cut off from the army ; " I do not" said 
Mina, " think I am cut off, so long as I can find a path for my 
horse.'''' Finally, he left Tortosa with twelve men, and, pass- 
ing with skill through the line occupied by the French army, 
arrived in Navarre. Of those twelve, one is at present a 
lieutenant; another has retired with nine wounds ; and the 
rest fell in battle. 

The first attempt of Mina was upon a small guard of a 
dozen French. He attacked them with about twenty men, 
and captured them without much resistance. The next, was 
on a party of thirty men. The Spaniards, who had nearly 
the same number, lay concealed behind a stone wall ; upon the 
approach of the enemy, they rose and fired. In the contest 
which ensued, a tall grenadier fired at Mina with deliberate 
aim, and, taking shelter behind a tree, encouraged his party. 
But the Spaniards, leaping the wall, rushed on, and settled 
the combat with their sabres. This successful beginning pro- 
duced the most important results. The spirits of the pea- 
santry were roused ; many successful adventures took place ; 
the French foraging parties were cut to pieces ; their convoys 
attacked and plundered ; and their couriers intercepted. The 
Spanish government had scarcely finished their rejoicing for 
the first successes of Mina, when they were again surprised 
by his sending them a large body of prisoners, among whom 
was a lieutenant colonel ; and, at another time, seven hundred 
prisoners, with a quantity of military equipments, stores, and 
money. 

The French were not passive spectators of these chivalrous 
exploits. Upwards of thirty individuals, nearly or remotely 
connected with Mina's family, were suddenly arrested, and 



46 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

sent into France. War, with all the meliorations introduced 
by modern civilization, is sufficiently terrible to a reflecting 
mind; but it is in those political struggles, where the relations 
and kindred of an individual, are made answerable for his 
opinions and acts, that it comes armed with its severest afflic- 
tions. Among the relatives of Mina, thus torn from their 
country, was an accomplished young lady, the object of his 
early attachment. Separated from each other, time, and the 
waves of an adverse fortune, bore them still farther asunder, 
and the tender affections, the sport of events, sunk, and were 
lost for ever. 

Repeated expeditions were undertaken to destroy Mina, 
but the affections of every peasant being with him, and having 
correct intelligence of every movement, he was enabled, not 
only to baffle and elude his enemy, but frequently coming on 
them by surprise, to defeat and destroy his pursuers. When 
he found their forces too numerous to be openly resisted, he 
appointed a place of rendezvous, dispersed his band, and, se- 
parating from each other, they eluded pursuit. The armed 
mountaineers retired to their homes, or to secret recesses, and 
there waited till their leader gave the signal ; when, suddenly 
re-appearing, they seemed to spring from the earth, like the 
men of Cadmus, a legion of soldiers. Mina, with a select 
band, the nucleus of his army, retired to the mountains. A 
hill, near his father's mansion, was his principal retreat. He 
was familiar with its fastnesses, and solitary recesses, and 
the neglected flocks of his own family, furnished him and his 
brave companions with food. When he determined on strik- 
ing a blow, he gathered his forces like a tempest on the moun- 
tain top, and, descending in terror, swept the province to the 
very gates of Pampeluna. 

In this manner was begun the insurrection in the province of 
Navarre. From this period, bands of guerillas were organized 
throughout the country. Thus commenced that system, which 
was the great means of keeping up the spirit of desperate ani- 
mosity, and which became, eventually, the principal means of 
delivering Spain from her invaders. The accounts of Mina's 
successes ran through the country, and produced a powerful 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 47 

excitement in the minds of the people. He was thence soon 
enabled to raise a respectable division of troops, whose num- 
bers were increased by the peasantry, whenever it was con- 
templated to strike a blow. 

The central junta of Seville conferred on him the rank of 
colonel, and, soon after, the dignity of commandant general of 
Navarre. The junta of Arragon also appointed him com- 
manding general of upper Arragon. He won these honours 
most gallantly by his sword, in a gloomy and desperate hour; 
they were confirmed to him by his country ; and he continued 
his brilliant career, lighting up an hostility and daring resist- 
ance, which has made the French invasion of Spain one of the 
most remarkable events in the history of modern Europe. 

In the winter of 1810 — 11, Mina was directed by the Span- 
ish government to destroy, if possible, an iron foundry near 
Pampeluna, from which the French were supplied with a num- 
ber of articles for the service of the war. Whether it was 
from one of those accidents which no prudence can foresee, or 
that the enemy had obtained information of his movements, 
this unfortunate enterprise was fatal to Mina. Two strong 
bodies of French troops, on their march in contrary directions, 
arrived at the same time at the two entrances of a narrow valley. 
Mina and his corps, who were then in the defile, were com- 
pletely enclosed. The fight that ensued was obstinate and 
bloody. The gallant Mina, defending himself with his sword, 
fell, pierced with wounds, a prisoner, into the hands of the 
enemy. 

Thus ended the rapid but brilliant career of Xavier Mina 
in Spain. Fortune, as if jealous of the skill and heroism 
which threatened to raise him above her capricious favours, 
played him false at last. But the spirit which he had raised 
was still alive ; the rage of his warrior mountaineers was kin- 
dled, and they chose one of his family to lead them to revenge. 
His uncle Espoz was the chief whom they selected, and he 
proved himself worthy of the high trust. He stands first 
among those, whose names are chaunted through Spain, in the 
hymns of triumph of a delivered people. He watched faithfully 
through the dark and perilous night, which overhung his coun- 



48 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. x 

try, and when the morning of her deliverance broke, Espoz was 
seen chasing the last Frenchman from Spain. But let not the 
full glory of the uncle, diminish that of the nephew. Xavier 
Mina was less fortunate, but not less deserving, than Espoz. 
Ego feci, tulit alter honor es. It was Xavier, who first taught 
the mountaineers of his province where to strike at the invader, 
and gave system to their irregular valour. He encouraged, by 
his successes, the Spaniards to follow his daring example ; he 
braved the terrors of Napoleon's vengeance ; and opened, with 
his sword, the path which led to the deliverance of his coun- 
try. He was not one and twenty when taken prisoner. What 
might not have been expected from this heroic youth, if his 
career had been continued? 

Mina was taken to Paris, after his capture, and shut up in 
the castle of Vincennes. The afflictions, which press upon the 
unfortunate state prisoner, were aggravated to him, by the 
care with which all intelligence of the fate of his relations, or 
struggling country, was concealed from him. His hair came 
out, and his person was completely changed. In time, how- 
ever, the rigours of his imprisonment were softened, and books 
were given him. He applied himself, with great industry, to 
the study of the military art, in which he derived great assist- 
ance from some of the veteran officers, who were his fellow- 
prisoners. He remained in Vincennes till the allied armies en- 
tered France, nor was he set at liberty until the general peace, 
which took place upon the abdication of the emperor Napoleon. 

It is well known, that king Ferdinand, on his return to 
Spain, was met by a deputation, bearing for his approval, the 
constitution under which Spain had been governed, during the 
captivity of the king ; a constitution that was founded on the 
basis of a meliorated and limited monarchy. It was formed 
to meet the liberal opinions of enlightened Spaniards, and 
those changes which the age, and modern ideas, demanded. 
One, out of the many instances of this melioration, may be 
cited from article No. 304, which for ever abolishes all con- 
fiscation of the property of the person condemned for crimes 
against the state ; and the humane reason assigned is, that 
confiscation is a punishment of the innocent children, and not 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 49 

of the criminal. Nor will the merit of this distinction be 
fully understood, until we reflect that there is scarcely a state 
or kingdom in Europe, in which the contrary doctrine is not 
held. 

The conduct of Ferdinand, on his return to Spain, is well 
known to the world. The sympathies of the liberal and 
enlightened, once so strong in his favour, in every country, 
have been destroyed by the persecution of the Cortes, and the 
proscription of the patriot leaders ; by the prohibition of fo- 
reign books and journals ; by the destruction of the opening 
sources of national improvement ; and by the revival of the 
Inquisition, with its demon train of judicial murders and mid- 
night tortures. The dungeons of the Holy Office, the fortifi- 
cations and gallies, in which soldiers of honour were con- 
demned to work with the vilest criminals, and the list of ban- 
ishments, confiscations, and executions, forcibly show, in what 
manner bigotry and political interest will destroy the most 
generous feelings, and sanction the vilest ingratitude. 

Being conspicuous members of the party of Liberates, or 
Constitutionalists, the two Minas soon experienced the dis- 
pleasure of the court, and the frowns of the king. Xavier, 
however, was offered the command of the military forces in 
Mexico, a situation next to that of the viceroy of New Spain. 
He declined it; and, being apprehensive of the consequences, 
retired into Navarre. Espoz y Mina, who still remained at the 
head of his mountain warriors in Navarre, immediately re- 
ceived an order, depriving him of his command. Matters 
being thus brought to a crisis, it was determined by the two 
Minas to raise the standard of the Cortes and the constitution. 
They had no time to form any extensive plan. It was agreed 
to strike immediately, before the order depriving Espoz of 
his command should be publicly known. The details of this 
bold attempt are interesting, and present some features of ro- 
mance ; but we can only glance slightly at them. While Es- 
poz was to put his troops in motion, that he might arrive, at 
a concerted hour, under the walls of Pampeluna, Xavier Mina 
entered the fortress. There, he soon communicated with a 
few officers, who were known to him, and whose sentiments 

09 



50 MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 

/were favourable to the Cortes. Popular in the whole Spanish 
arm)', and his name endeared to those soldiers of freedom, he 
selected a few of them to be his guests at a convivial banquet. 
After supper, as the time drew nigh, Mina rose up suddenly 
amidst them ; addressed them in a nervous and enthusiastic 
harangue ; unfolded the ingratitude and injustice of the court; 
and, finally, exhorted them to give the blessings of freedom to 
the country they had saved. The effect was electric and 
complete. They arose, and crossing their swords, as they 
stood around the banqueting table, swore to be faithful. The 
sentinels on the appointed bastion were withdrawn ; the lad- 
ders were fixed ; and, from the dead of night, almost till the 
dawn, they waited, with breathless anxiety, the approach of 
the troops under Espoz y Mina. Had they then arrived, a 
new era, pregnant with important events, would have opened 
on Spain. 

The causes which led to the failure of the enterprise were 
partly accidental, and implicate the policy, not the bravery, of 
Espoz. It is now understood, that the troops, instead of be- 
ing excited and stimulated for such an occasion, by his orders 
were rigidly kept from liquor and refreshment. They were 
altogether ignorant of the reason and nature of an expedition, 
so strange to them, in time of peace ; and, after marching till 
a late hour in the night, they began to murmur; some confu- 
sion arose in a corps whose commander was unpopular ; the 
march was delayed ; a nocturnal tumult ensued ; and the sol- 
diers lay down in scattered parties in the fields, or wandered 
in search of refreshments. Espoz, who had rode on ahead, 
found, on his return, in the darkness of the night, a scene of 
confusion, to remedy which, all his exertions were baffled. It 
was irremediable, and the opportunity was lost. The confe- 
derates in Pampeluna speedily received the fatal intelligence, 
and immediately quitted the fortress. 

Although the Spaniards are accustomed to obedience, and 
" the king's name is a tower of strength," yet, on this occa- 
sion, they scorned to do any injury to their generals. Xavier 
Mina traversed the whole province in safety, collected all 
those friends whom he thought might be compromitted by his 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 51 

attempt, and entered France in full uniform, with thirty officers. 
He was arrested by the orders of the French government, and 
imprisoned near Bayonne, but was afterwards liberated, and 
. passed over to England. From the British government he 
received a liberal pension ; we believe, two thousand pounds 
sterling per annum. 

During his sojourn in England, he was treated by several 
eminent personages with flattering attentions ; but particular- 
ly by an English nobleman, alike distinguished for his attach- 
ment to the cause of freedom throughout the world, and his 
urbanity to strangers. By this nobleman, Mina was made 
acquainted with general Scott, of the army of the United 
States, then on a visit to England. He was also furnished 
with a ship, arms, and military stores, by some English gen- 
tlemen attached to the cause of freedom, to enable him to 
prosecute an enterprise he had been some time meditating, 
against the kingdom of Mexico, as the quarter whence the 
most severe blow could be struck against the tyranny of Fer- 
dinand. 

Mina, in drawing his sword in favour of the independence 
of Mexico, considered he was espousing a cause, consonant 
with those sacred principles, for which he became an exile. 
Power and place might have been his, if he had chosen to float 
in the eddy of court favour ; but his character and principles 
forbade him. He believed, with many of the philosophers of 
the last century, and with some of the enlightened men of his 
own country, that the treasures of the New World had a fatal 
effect on the prosperity and glory of Spain ; therefore, he can- 
not be justly accused of doing a wilful injury to his own coun- 
try. Nor did he owe allegiance to the ungrateful Ferdinand. 
An exile, cut off from every tie, by the act of a sovereign who 
had set a price upon his head, there was no longer any liga- 
ment to bind him to the throne of Ferdinand, nor any rule, 
even in the forgotten code of villainage, to forbid his embark- 
ing in the glorious cause of the emancipation of Mexico. He 
did not, like Coriolanus, league with his country's enemies, 
nor, like Eugene, devote himself to a foreign court. Defeat- 
ed in his attempt to uphold the Cortes, and the cause of Span- 



52 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

ish freedom in Europe, he devoted himself to the cause of 
liberty in America. He boldly entered on a dangerous and 
desperate path of toil, bearing in his view the prospect of that 
fate, which once menaced a Hancock and a Washington ; and 
which overtook a Fitzgerald and an Emmett. 

The pretensions of Spain, to the dominion and rule of the 
vast regions of the New World;, are too lofty and extravagant 
for the jurists of the nineteenth century. The time has gone 
by, when the decrees of the court of Madrid, and the bulls of 
a Pope, are to be obeyed and worshipped as infallible man- 
dates, by sixteen millions of the human race, on the continent 
of America. Spain has, it is true, by a watchful jealousy ; by 
the discouragement of learning, of commerce, and of improve- 
ment j by a persecuting hierarchy ; and by the dreadful tribu- 
nal of the Inquisition ; bound the inhabitants of Spanish Ame- 
rica in strong fetters. But, the voice of that spirit which 
echoed along the Allegany in '76, has already been heard on 
the Table Land of Mexico, is now rolling among the Andes, 
and will, ere long, break the chains of servitude for ever. 

We are aware, that many circumstances, which gave a pe- 
culiar character to the contest of the North American colonies 
for independence, do not exist with regard to the South Ame- 
ricans. The English and Spanish colonies were planted in a 
manner as widely different, as the characters of Cortez and 
Pizarro, were from those of Sir Walter Raleigh and William 
Penn. On the basis of equal laws, trial by jury, liberty of 
person, conscience, and speech, a beautiful fabric of society 
had been erected in the British American colonies ; and the 
declaration of independence was the Corinthian capital, which 
decorated and finished the columns of the temple. 

The revolutions in Spanish America, on the contrary, are 
at this moment affording a signal proof of the effect of early 
dispositions, implanted in nations, and perhaps, (although the 
opinion may not be in accordance with the sentiments of some 
modern philosophers) of the punishment which national crime 
prepares for posterity. The predictions of the benevolent 
and venerable Las Casas have already been fulfilled. A de- 
solating civil war has acquired, from the oppression of a tyran- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 53 

nic government, and the cruel disposition which has been en- 
couraged in the mass of the people, uncommon features of 
horror. The frequent refusal of quarter, the sacrifice of 
persons in cold blood, the proscription and destruction of whole 
districts, the mutilations and butchery of females and chil- 
dren, avenge, terribly avenge the sufferings of the simple and 
peaceable aborigines, as well as the outrages under which the 
Creoles have been so long groaning. 

It is a political fact, now admitted to be true in its utmost 
extent, that the government of Spain, over her American 
colonies, was worse than any other recorded in the page of 
history. In vain have her apologists referred us to the pon- 
derous volumes of "Las Leyes de las Indias" or to her eccle- 
siastical regulations, for proofs of her moderation and wisdom. 
We have an unerring and melancholy proof, in the past and 
present condition of society in those regions, of the pestilen- 
tial influence of the Spanish government. It has, in ever) 7 " 
way, tended to awe, to depress, and to brutalize the people ; to 
cut off all means of improvement; to destroy in its infancy 
every germe of melioration, and to deprive them of the many 
physical blessings which their great country afforded them. 

In the vast empire of New Spain, containing nearly seven 
millions of people, there is but one public journal, and that 
newspaper is printed under the immediate control of a vigi- 
lant and jealous government. No foreign or domestic intelli- 
gence is ever inserted in this paper, but such as comports 
with the spirit and policy of the government. In this state 
of wretchedness and ignorance, lias the great mass of society 
been kept, in Spanish America, for near three hundred years. 

A great change, however,- has taken place within the last 
ten years, and every friend of humanity must rejoice, that the 
emancipation of South America and Mexico, from Spanish 
thraldom, is an event now no longer doubtful. It may be re- 
tarded to a period more distant, than many sanguine friends of 
the cause suppose ; but every day unfolds new evidences, not 
only of the impracticability of Spain ever re-subjugating such of 
the colonies as are already in open revolt, but also of the very 



54, MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

precarious tenure, on which she holds her dominion over cer- 
tain sections that still acknowledge her sovereignty. 

This important fact will be more clearly developed in the 
following narrative of Mina's expedition, and although the 
gallant youth and his brave companions have been sacrificed, 
they have perished in a noble cause. We shall demonstrate, 
by a plain statement of the extraordinary circumstances rela- 
ting to that expedition, that had Mina landed with fifteen hun- 
dred or two thousand soldiers, instead of two hundred and 
seventy, in any part of the Mexican kingdom, he could have 
marched direct upon the city of Mexico, and overturned the 
Spanish government almost without a struggle. We are aware, 
that this assertion will surprise those who are uninformed of 
the character and feelings of the Mexican people ; and we are 
likewise aware, that the truths we are about to develop, will 
be a source of mortification to the pride of the Spanish gov- 
ernment ; but, be that as it may, Ave pledge ourselves for the 
fidelity of the narration, and leave the intelligent reader to 
draw his own conclusions. 

General Mina had originally intended, and made his ar- 
rangements to proceed direct to the Mexican coast, conceiv- 
ing that the inhabitants generally would rise in his favour; but, 
altering his plan a short time prior to his departure, in conse- 
quence of a part of his plans in Europe being frustrated, and 
some information that he received from a respectable source, 
he sailed from England, for the Chesapeake, in the month of 
May, 1816, accompanied by thirteen Spanish and Italian, and 
two English officers. 

After a passage of forty-six days, the ship arrived in Hamp- 
ton Roads. The general disembarked at Norfolk, whence he 
proceeded by land to Baltimore, at which city the ship arrived 
on the 3d of July. Mina here made an arrangement for a fast 
sailing brig, pierced for guns ; and purchased a quantity of 
field and battering artillery, mortars, ammunition, clothing, 
and military stores of every description. While these prepa- 
rations were making, the ship was put in a state for the ac- 
commodation of passengers; and the general visited Philadel- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 55 

phia and New York, where several Americans and Europeans 
volunteered their services, as officers, to accompany him. He 
was not desirous of augmenting his force, except as to officers, 
being under the impression, as before remarked, that he would 
be joined by the natives, on landing in Mexico. He obtained 
every possible information of the state of things in that coun- 
try ; and ascertained that a small place on the Mexican coast, 
to the northward of Vera Cruz, called Boquilla de Piedras, 
was fortified, and still held by the patriot general Don Guada- 
lupe Victoria. He also learned, that, although the patriots 
had met with recent disasters, yet they still maintained several 
strong guerilla parties in the different provinces. 

In the meantime, many attempts were made, by the repre- 
sentative of the Spanish government, to destroy the expedition. 
During the passage from England, some of the Spanish offi- 
cers had a dispute with the general ; four of whom, on their 
arrival in the United States, presented themselves to Don 
Luis de Onis, the Spanish minister, and gave such informa- 
tion as they possessed, relative to the general's intended ope- 
rations. Although their communications were crude, enough 
was imparted to awaken the jealousy and suspicion of the 
minister, who, ever on the alert to support the dignity and in- 
terest of his master Ferdinand, immediately addressed the 
American government, representing the nature of the informa- 
tion he had received, and calling upon it to suppress the threat- 
ened undertaking of Mina: but, as the complaints of the minis- 
ter were not sustained by any positive data, and as the existing 
laws did not prohibit the exportation of military stores, nor 
the sailing of American vessels to any part of the world in 
amity with the United States, for commercial objects; and as 
the rights of hospitality were alike extended to all parties, the 
executive did not think proper to interfere, as long as the ge- 
neral and his agents moved withhrthe sphere of the laws of 
the republic. 

The Spanish consul at Baltimore, having understood the 
intended object of the ship from the steward, who ran away 
from her, and who, understanding Spanish, had overheard the 
conversation of the malecontents on the voyage, applied to the 



56 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

British consul for his official assistance in ridding the Spanish 
government of its cause of alarm. It is yet doubtful, in the 
mind of the writer, whether the Spanish representative sur- 
passed the British consul, in this instance, in strenuous exer- 
tions in the cause of Ferdinand VII. He ostensibly attached 
more credit to the bare ipse dixit of a worthless deserter, than 
to the papers and documents of the ship ; and, without any 
other proof that her destination was illicit, than that of the as- 
sertions of known mutineers, he, of himself, unjustifiably as- 
sumed a high jurisdiction in a neutral country, whose govern- 
ment had withheld its interference : and, although the ship had 
not been employed in any respect in contravention to the Bri- 
tish laws, and it could not be established that it was intended 
that she should be so employed, while she wore a British flag, 
he endeavoured to throw obstacles in the way of her voyage. 
In fact, the British consul acted, in this business, more like 
the representative of the Spanish, than the consul of a free 
government; and, at all events, it indicated his hostility to the 
cause of liberty in Spanish America. 

A quantity of military stores were put on board the ship, as 
eargo ; and the passengers, destined to embark in her, being 
in readiness, she took from the custom-house a clearance for 
St. Thomas, and proceeded outside of fort M'Henry, where 
she anchored : but it was not without some difficulty that the 
British consul was induced, even then, to relinquish his hold 
on the papers. 

On the evening of the 28th of August, the passengers, in 
number about two hundred, embarked, under the direction of 
colonel the count de Ruuth. Mina remained to go out in the 
brig, whose cargo was not quite ready. The ship was ordered 
to proceed to Port au Prince, there to await the arrival of the 
general. 

The ship left the capes of Virginia, on the 1st of September, 
in company with a Spanish schooner, which had been hired by 
Mina, and on board of which was lieutenant-colonel Myers, 
of the artillery, with his company ; but, a night or two after 
sailing, this vessel separated from the ship, and proceeded to 
the rendezvous. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 57 

After a passage of seventeen days, the ship arrived at Port 
au Prince, where she found her consort the schooner. The 
following night, the island was visited by one of those destruc- 
tive hurricanes common to the West Indies. Amid the scene 
of general havoc, the ship sustained her portion of damage. 
She parted one of her cables, drove with another ahead, and 
got foul of a Haytian frigate, of thirty-two guns ; in conse- 
quence of which, the foremast, maintopmast, and several spars, 
were carried away, besides considerable injury sustained in 
the hull ; and the frigate lost her three masts by the board. 
The ship, however, hooking the frigate's moorings, held on ; 
and, about three o'clock, the gale abated. Day-light offered 
to view the melancholy scene of the ship dismasted, and the 
schooner, her consort, upset and grounded on a shoal. 

The storm having abated, the passengers were landed in the 
course of the forenoon, and the ship was then hauled into the 
inner harbour. The misfortune which had befallen her bore 
a serious aspect ; it being feared, that it would be impractica- 
ble to repair her ; however, these apprehensions were soon 
relieved, by the generous conduct of the late president of the 
republic, by whom spars were furnished, the use of the arsenal 
was granted, and every facility afforded. 

The brig being ready for sea, the general and staff embark- 
ed, and sailed from Baltimore, on the 27th of September. 
During his stay in that city, the simplicity and modesty of his 
demeanour, the honesty of his transactions, and his gentle- 
manly deportment, had gained him the esteem of a consider- 
able portion of its society. He was applied to, while in the 
United States, to lend his assistance to the equipping of South 
American privateers; and, though the offer was highly advan- 
tageous, he refused it with indignation : " What reason," said 
he, " have you to suppose that Xavier Mina would plunder 
his unoffending countrymen ? I war against Ferdinand and 
tyranny, not against Spaniards." 

While the ship was refitting, general Mina arrived at Port 
au Prince. Although he was much chagrined by the late dis- 
aster, and the delay and expense resulting therefrom, yet, by 
his activity and perseverance, he soon surmounted this first 
(8) 



58 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

obstacle to his expedition. He was received with particular 
attention by general Petion, who afforded him every assistance 
in his power. 

In this place, several individuals, both Americans and Eu- 
ropeans, abandoned the expedition. In some few instances, 
they were prevented from accompanying it by sickness ; but 
the majority of them assigned reasons, in extenuation of their 
conduct, which should have been seriously considered before 
they volunteered. Mina viewed their defection with merited 
disregard ; observing, that he wished none to follow his for- 
tunes, but such as would voluntarily and cheerfully devote 
themselves to the cause of liberty. This loss was, however, 
in some measure counterbalanced by the acquisition of some 
seamen, who had deserted from a French frigate, then laying 
in the roads. 

The general had understood, that commodore Aury, a pa- 
triot naval commander, was cruising in the Bay of Mexico, 
and that he had formed an establishment on the island of San 
Luis, at the mouth of the river La Trinidad. Thither he de- 
termined to repair, under the expectation that his views would 
be promoted by that officer. Having engaged a small schoon- 
er, in lieu of the Spanish vessel which had upset during the 
late hurricane, and the ship being refitted in the best possible 
manner, the expedition, consisting of the brig, ship, and 
schooner, on the 24th of October, made sail for the island of 
San Luis, on the Mexican coast. 

Misfortune seems to have accompanied the expedition, 
from the date of the ship's arrival at Hayti. After leav- 
ing Port au Prince, an almost continual calm was experi- 
enced, so that the expedition was thirty days in perform- 
ing a voyage, which, with the usual sea breeze in those lati- 
tudes, could have been made in ten or twelve. The tedious- 
ness of the voyage was, however, a light evil, compared with 
others which the expedition was doomed to suffer. That 
dreadful contagion, the yellow fever, broke out on board the 
ship. It had been brought from the shore by one of the pas- 
sengers, who died a few days after sailing. The infection 
spread to the other vessels. The brig, not being crowded, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 59 

suffered little, losing only one man. The ship's sick list was 
soon swelled to fifty and sixty daily : however, not more than 
seven or eight died. But on board the schooner, where the 
air was confined, a melancholy scene ensued : of the few on 
board, eight died, among whom was lieutenant-colonel Daly. 
At last, the brig was obliged to take her in tow, as there was 
not an individual on board free from the fever, except a black 
woman. Indeed, had it not been for the exertions of an excel- 
lent physician, it is probable the expedition would have been 
destroyed. This worthy man, Dr. John Hennessy, formerly 
of Kingston, Jamaica, did not merely give evidence of his 
professional skill, but his indefatigable activity, and sympa- 
thizing attentions, were unremitting, and endeared him to eve- 
ry individual of the expedition. The vessels arrived at the 
Grand Cayman island, where a plentiful supply of turtle was 
procured ; which, together with cool northerly breezes, soon 
rendered the passengers convalescent. At this island, they 
who were on board the schooner represented to the general, 
that it was impossible for them to proceed any farther in that 
ill-fated vessel. Orders were therefore given, that those, 
who were reported to be free from fever, should be passed on 
board the ship ; while the schooner, with her sick, went into 
the Grand Cayman. The ship and brig proceeded on their 
course, and arrived off the encampment at San Luis, on the 
24th of November, after a distressing passage of thirty days. 

The general here met with commodore Aury; and, as the 
north winds, which render the Mexican coast very dangerous, 
then prevailed, an order was given for the landing of the ex- 
pedition. As there was not sufficient water on the bar to ad- 
mit the vessels, measures were taken to unload them ; and an 
old hulk, lying in the harbour, was appropriated, by the com- 
modore, for the reception of the stores. 

The settlement, called Galvezton, was established on the 
east end of the island. The entrance into the harbour is de- 
fended by a bar, capable of admitting vessels of easy draft, 
there being twelve feet of water on it ; but the swell often 
renders the channel dangerous. Inside the bar, there is a good 
depth of water, up to the settlement ; but the bay, into which 



60 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the river La Trinidad disembogues, is in many parts very 
shoal. The island is low ; and the water, which is obtained 
by digging in the sand, is brackish. A plenty of good water 
may, however, be obtained in the cane brakes, at some dis- 
tance from Galvezton, where the shipping usually fill their 
casks. The island is intersected by large bayous. It is co- 
vered with long prairie grass ; and abounds with deer and wild 
fowls ; while the bay yields fine fish, and the bayous excellent 
oysters. 

As soon as the troops were landed, an encampment was laid 
out, and the tents were pitched. On the west side of Galvez- 
ton, commodore Aury had commenced throwing up a mud 
fort ; and, to the westward of this, was Mina's encampment. 
The requisite arms were served out, two field-pieces and two 
howitzers were landed, and the engineer department was dili- 
gently employed in preparing fixed ammunition ; the mechanics 
were set to work, clothing was served out to the men, and the 
officers were furnished with their respective uniforms. The 
commodore supplied the division with rations of excellent 
fresh bread, salt beef, pork, fish, oil, and brandy; which, with 
the game, and the supplies brought by the coasters, enabled 
the division to fare well. 

In the meantime, the ship and brig, as it was unsafe to keep 
them at anchorage on the coast, had been ordered to proceed 
to New Orleans. 

The immediate attention of the general was directed to the 
organization of his regiments. Officers were appointed to the 
different corps, which it was expected would be filled up soon' 
after the descent should be made. The American officers, 
who did not understand the Spanish language, were formed 
into a company, styled, " the Guard of Honour of the Mexican 
Congress," of which the general was captain, a colonel the 
lieutenant, and so on. Colonel Young, an officer who had dis- 
tinguished himself in the service of the United States, and 
whose gallantry and activity we shall have occasion hereafter 
to notice, was subsequently placed in command of this com- 
pany. The numbers of the expedition being few, this arrange* 
ment was made, both with the view to self-defence, and to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 61 

keep the officers united; the general intending to transfer them 
to other corps, as they acquired a knowledge of the Spanish 
language, in which the chaplain of the division cjqmmenced 
instructing them. In fact, all the measures of tne general 
clearly proved that he perfectly knew how to order his little 
force to the best advantage. The following was the organiza- 
tion of the corps :—>~ 

Guard of Honour — Colonel Young. 

Artillery — Colonel Myers. 

Cavalry — Colonel the Count de Ruuth. 

First Regiment of the Line — Major Sarda. 

Engineer -> 

Commissariat > Departments. 

Medical J 

Blacksmiths, Carpenters, Printers, and Tailors. 



The infant army was daily exercised, and the greatest good 
order prevailed. 

The general had frequent interviews with commodore Aury, 
and was very desirous of establishing a cordial understanding 
with him. Unfortunately, this was not effected ; and thereby 
Mina lost an important accession to his force, as the commo- 
dore had actually raised a body of two hundred troops, for 
the purpose of invading the province of Texas. 

Aury held a commission in the service of the Mexican re- 
public, as governor of the province of Texas, and general in 
the Mexican republican army. This commission had been 
granted him by Don Jose Manuel de Herrera, who resided in 
New Orleans, as ambassador to the United States from the 
Mexican republic. Herrera had been appointed by the Mexi- 
can congress, at the period when the revolution was in its 
most flourishing state; when general Morelos, the distinguish- 
ed patriot chief, had taken Acapulco, subdued the province 
of Oaxaca, and established his authority over a considerable 
part of the Mexican empire. The right, therefore, of Herrera, 
to appoint Aury an officer in the Mexican republic, cannot be 
questioned. 



62 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Herrera was a priest, grave in his manners ; but he possessed 
very little knowledge of the world, and consequently was easily 
imposed on. During his stay at New Orleans, he rendered no 
effectual services to the Mexican cause, except by some trifling 
shipments of arms and munitions of war, which he sent to 
general Victoria. 

Previous to general Mina's sailing from Baltimore, a fast 
sailing schooner had been despatched for the Mexican coast, 
to ascertain the situation of affairs, and to open a communica- 
tion with general Victoria, who, it was understood, had a con- 
siderable patriot force under his orders, in the province of 
Vera Cruz, and held a small fort on the coast, at a place called 
Boquilla de Piedras. This mission was entrusted to doctor 
Mier, a native of the internal provinces, and in whom the 
general placed great confidence. 

The doctor, however, was alarmed at the stormy weather he 
experienced in the gulf, and put into New Orleans : from 
thence he despatched the schooner for Boquilla. On her ar- 
rival there, the captain found that the post was in the hands of 
the royalists, and he repaired to Galvezton. Information 
was afterwards received, that Victoria had taken a port to the 
northward cf Boquilla, called Nautla. The schooner was 
despatched for the latter place, with letters from Mina for 
Victoria ; but, in the meantime, the place had been retaken, 
and on her arrival the captain found the Spanish flag flying. 

Mina deeply regretted that he could not open a communi- 
cation with Victoria, because he was perfectly aware of his 
merits, and he felt the importance of acting in concert with 
him. If Mina could have formed a junction with Victoria, 
and safely landed the arms and munitions of war which he 
had then at his command, it would have opened a new era in 
the revolution : he could then have penetrated through the 
province of Vera Cruz, to Tehuacan, formed a union with the 
forces of Teran, Osourno, and the other patriot chiefs, and, 
in all human probability, would have been able to strike a de- 
cisive blow against the royalists. The non-execution of this 
part of Mina's plans, may be assigned as one of the causes of 
the eventual failure of his undertaking. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 63 

Doctor Mier, hearing of the general's arrival at Galvez- 
ton, left New Orleans, and repaired to that place. The doc- 
tos was a man of most amiable manners, and although he had 
been educated a priest, he was liberal in his sentiments, a 
good scholar, and an ardent advocate for the emancipation of 
his country from the despotism of Spain. He was not, how- 
ever, calculated to ride in the whirlwind of a revolution,' being 
naturally timid ; but, from his general knowledge of New 
Spain, and his influence in society, the general calculated much 
on his services, and was sincerely attached to him. 

The doctor had been one of the victims of Spanish bigotry, 
in consequence of having delivered a discourse, in the city of 
Mexico, in which he undertook to prove that the famous story 
of the Virgin of Guadalupe, was an imposture of the priest- 
hood. For this act of free thinking and speaking, he was shut 
up for several ye'ars in the dungeons of the Inquisition, and 
was afterwards sent to Rome. There, by his talents and ur- 
banity of manners, he became a favourite with the Pope. Upon 
the breaking out of the revolution in Spain, he went there, and 
preached destruction to its invaders; but being a zealous con- 
stitutionalist, he was forced to take refuge in England. There 
he met Mina, and most cordially engaged to accompany him 
to Mexico. Having mentioned the apparition of the Virgin of 
Guadalupe, and as it is one among the numerous evidences of 
the superstition which has so long prevailed in Spanish Ameri- 
ca, it may not be amiss to give some detail of the origin of 
this apparition. We know, from authentic records, that the 
superstitious terrors, instilled by the Spanish priests into the 
minds of the ignorant aborigines, were, at the commencement 
of the conquest, of much more service to the government of 
Spain than its arms. The images and pictures of saints, which 
the priests had previously buried, or hidden in places where 
they might easily be found by the Indians, are at this day to 
be seen in almost every village and town in the empire. The 
discovery of those images is ascribed to the interposition of 
Heaven. Every town has its tutelar saint, upon which are 
lavished immense sums of money, in dresses, gold and silver 
ornaments, diamonds, and other precious stones. To all of these, 



64 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the Padres have given names, and to each one is attributed 
miraculous powers, by the credulous Indians, and indeed by 
many bigoted Creoles. The holy tribunal has most studiously 
cherished this superstition, and has hurled its thunders against 
him, who dared to question the sacred origin of these images. 
It would fill volumes were we to attempt to detail the aston- 
ishing circumstances attending these discoveries, and the mi- 
raculous virtues ascribed to each saint. They have been 
transmitted from one generation to another, and have received 
so many embellishments and confirmations, from the crafty 
and credulous, (the latter of whom imagine, that the surest 
way of propitiating the favour, is to magnify the powers, of 
the saint,) that even some of the priests of better judgment 
have been led to believe in those wonderful attributes, and are 
ready to testify to miracles performed by virtue of their pray- 
ers and supplications. It is true, that many of the crafty 
priests are aware of the deception; but, nevertheless, they find 
it to be their interest to compose books for the express purpose 
of proving the time and manner, in which those great miracles 
have been performed; and in so doing, they conceive, that not 
only their own interests are promoted, but that it is the most 
effectual mode of preserving the power of the church, and the 
dignity of the Spanish monarchy. Books, of the kind just 
mentioned, form almost the only species of literature that is 
allowed to circulate through the empire. They are sought 
after with avidity by the unfortunate Creole, and make an im- 
pression on his mind not easily eradicated. 

About ten years after what the Spaniards call the conquest, 
the celebrated apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe made its 
appearance, in the following manner. Adjacent to the city of 
Mexico is a barren hill. An Indian, accidentally passing 
near it, heard sounds of music, and at the same time saw an 
aerial figure. Alarmed at the vision, he fled. But, passing 
near the same place shortly afterwards, the same strange oc- 
currence again took place. He was called by name, and told 
to repair to that spot at a certain time, and he would find her 
picture buried under a heap of roses. He did so, and found 
it as was said. The Indian carried this mysterious picture to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 65 

the bishop of Mexico, who was, of course, in the secret. A 
solemn conclave of the clergy took place, and the bishop, 
kneeling before the picture with the most profound veneration, 
named it Nuestra Sehora de Guadalupe. A sanctuary was 
erected for her reception, and she received the exalted title of 
patroness of Mexico ; which she enjoys to the present time. 
This is the origin of the Virgin of Guadalupe, conformably 
to the records of the church now existing in Mexico. The 
original picture is still exhibited in the Virgin's church ; it is 
painted upon a cloth of linen manufacture, called Uango- 
c/zz, composed of coarse threads spun from the fibres of the 
Maguey (Agave Americana) and wove very wide apart. 
The Indians and Creoles say the picture is miraculous, be- 
cause, as it is approached, the painting becomes less visible, 
and when quite close, all traces of the picture disappear ; their 
blind superstition not permitting them to discover, that the 
open texture of the material, upon which it is painted, is the 
cause of this disappearance. A priest told the writer another 
circumstance respecting the Virgin's picture, which he deemed 
the most important part of the miracle ; it is, that the picture 
was found under a heap of roses, in the winter season, and 
on a spot where those flowers had never bloomed. It did not 
occur to the mind of the priest, that at the distance of a few 
leagues, the climate was quite different, where roses grow 
throughout the year, and that, consequently, the painters of 
the picture of the Virgin did not require any celestial aid to 
procure a heap of roses. In such veneration do the lower 
orders of Creoles, and indeed many of the middling and higher 
classes, and the Indians, hold their patroness, that they keep 
paintings of her in all their houses, invoke her in all their 
prayers, and implore her assistance in all their difficulties. 

In the religious processions which take place in the Mexi- 
can empire, almost daily, for the purpose of celebrating some 
rites of the church, or to offer homage to some of the tutelar 
saints, there is a solemnity and magnificence displayed, ad- 
mirably calculated to captivate the vulgar, to gratify the 
vanity, and impose on the credulity of all classes of the com- 
munity. The simplicity and purity of the Christian religion 
(9) 



(36 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

is lost in these pompous and mystical exhibitions. The poor 
converted Indian, as he is called, knows nothing of the Catho- 
lic religion beyond its ceremonies. To the images of saints, 
and other external symbols, he offers his daily homage, but 
he is as utterly uninformed of the precepts of the Christian 
doctrine, as any of the Pagans of former ages. 

In order to accommodate the Catholic religion to the pre- 
judices and consciences of the Indians, the priests, with their 
usual art, have interwoven many of the Indian customs and 
symbols with Christian ceremonies. Of this strange mixture 
of Pagan and Christian rites, there are, to this day, numerous 
evidences over the whole of the Mexican empire. On vari- 
ous holidays, the Indians of both sexes, dressed in the most 
fantastic manner, dance to the sound of rude instruments be- 
fore the church doors, and in front of the altar, exhibiting the 
most ludicrous figures. During the parade of many religious 
processions through the streets, we see Indians, decorated in 
the most grotesque manner, beating drums, dancing, and crack- 
ing fireworks. In the churches, we are struck by the glaring 
paintings and images of martyrs, saints and bishops, surround- 
ed by suns, moons and stars ; while the trinkets, precious 
stones, gold and silver ornaments, and the twinkling of num- 
bers of wax tapers, induce a stranger to believe, that he is in 
one of the fairy edifices of Aladdin, instead of a temple dedi- 
cated to the Christian worship. In a conspicuous situation, 
in the wall of the cathedral church of the city of Mexico, is 
placed a huge, mishapen stone, on which are engraved hiero- 
glyphic characters, that had formerly been appropriated to the 
religious ceremonies of the aborigines. In the painting of the 
Virgin of Guadalupe, the Mexican patroness is represented in 
a blue robe embellished with stars, and standing on a crescent 
supported by cherubim. Even the complexion of the Vir- 
gin has been suited to the spirit of the times, in order to prove 
to the Indians, that her apparition was a mark of the especial 
favour of Heaven. If, therefore, she had been represented 
with a fair complexion, the intent might not have been an- 
swered ; and, for this reason, perhaps, we see her represented 
with features of a " dusky hue." 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 57 

To support these pompous ceremonies, or, as it is styled, 
to sustain the splendour and dignity of the church, the unfor- 
tunate Mexican is taught to believe constitutes his primary 
duty ; hence, the greatest part of the fruits of his hard la- 
bour are absorbed by the ecclesiastic coffers. 

The wealth that has been lavished on some of the religious 
edifices, will appear incredible to those who have never visited 
Spanish America. From the numerous instances which every 
where present themselves in Mexico, we select the following. 
About three leagues from the town of San Miguel el Grande, 
in the province of Guanaxuato, stand two chapels, on the sum- 
mit of a high mountain ; one, for ordinary divine offices ; the 
other, to exhibit the different scenes, in the sufferings of our 
Redeemer, previous to, and on his arrival at Mount Calvary. 
In this chapel was a magnificent altar, on which were the 
images of our Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and other saints, 
made of solid silver, ornamented with emeralds and other 
precious stones. On entering this chapel, on the left-hand, 
the stranger is astonished on beholding a range of thirty-two 
altars, on each of which are figures, the size of life, represent- 
ing the different passages in our Saviour's ordeal, and at the 
end, Mount Calvary, with the body on the cross, accompanied 
by Mary, John, and others, as mentioned in Holy Writ. All 
these altars, figures, crosses, &c. are of pure silver. This 
temple is called the sanctuary of our Lord of Atonilco, from 
the name of the place where it is situated. Devotees from all 
parts of the kingdom go there to confess, and conform to the 
penance prescribed by the priests; and large sums are annually 
collected by our Lord of Atonilco, from these devout pilgrims. 
The origin of this chapel merits notice from its singularity. 
Many years ago, a bandit of the name of Lohra, was at the 
head of such a formidable band, that the Spanish government 
offered him not only a pardon, but an immense salary, with 
the arbitrary power and title of supreme judge of the accor- 
dada, provided he would exterminate the banditti. Lohra 
accepted the x conditions ; seized his fellow robbers; and, 
under various pretexts, hung them up by hundreds on the 



68 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

trees. In a few months he completely destroyed them. He 
was immediately invested with the character of supreme judge, 
and enjoyed with it, a salary of ten thousand dollars a year, 
until his death. This office was one of the most arbitrary 
and independent situations in the kingdom. He had the pow- 
er of life and death, inflicting what punishment he pleased, 
and levying contributions on all such as were found trafficking 
in liquors prohibited by the Spanish government. 

Lohra no sooner found himself clothed with this extraordi- 
nary power, than he began to levy contributions without mer- 
cy on all whom he suspected of dealing in contraband liquors ; 
and in case any one resisted his decrees, he was immediately 
hung. By such means he amassed immense treasures, which 
he devoted to the building of the sanctuary of our Lord of 
Atonilco. 

His successors continued long to enjoy those high preroga- 
tives, but they became so capricious and cruel, that about the 
year 1790, the viceroy count Galvez, took on himself the re- 
sponsibility of putting a check on the tyrannical tribunal of 
the accordada. A man of the name of Santa Maria was then 
judge, and had three culprits at the foot of the gallows ready 
for execution, when count Galvez suddenly presented himself 
on horseback, and pronounced their pardon in the name of the 
king. This act was highly grateful to the people of Mexico, 
and Charles III. approved the conduct of count Galvez, di- 
recting that in future, all sentences of the judge of the accor- 
dada must be subject to the confirmation of the royal audiencia, 
of which the viceroy is president. 

In having noticed thus briefly the superstitious follies and 
extravagance, which have been encouraged among the Mexi- 
cans, by the Spanish priests, we do not mean to speak lightly 
of the Catholic religion ; it is the abuses which have been sanc- 
tioned under its name that we reprobate, and think a proper 
subject for animadversion ; we have no prejudices in favour 
of any particular denomination of Christians, and we have 
only deeply to regret, that many other sects as well as the 
Catholics, have sullied the purity of true religion, by mingling 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 69 

with it a mass of ceremonies, revolting to common sense, and 
disgusting to every enlightened mind. We will now resume 
the thread of our narrative. 

The brig returned to Galvezton, from New Orleans, well 
equipped, and was now put under Mexican colours, as a nation- 
al vessel of war. She was called " El Congreso Mexicano" 

The general received despatches from his agent at New Or- 
leans, containing overtures from certain persons, who wished 
him to make an attack upon Pensacola, and who offered to 
furnish him with men, arms, &c. &c. for that purpose. Mina 
was anxious to examine into the merits of this project, con- 
ceiving that if it could be carried into effect, it might promote 
his ulterior views on Mexico. Accordingly, he embarked in 
the brig, and proceeded to New Orleans, leaving colonel Don 
Mariano Montilla, an officer who had distinguished himself 
in the Venezuelan revolution, in the command of the division 
at Galvezton. 

Previous to the departure of the general, a very extraordi- 
nary circumstance was brought to light, which proved that the 
Spanish government had resorted to a treacherous plan, to get 
rid of Mina. The instrument of this diabolical scheme was a 
young Spaniard, named Correa. This youth was under deep 
obligations to the general. He was the son of Don Diego 
Correa, who then resided at London, and who had been a con- 
spicuous victim to the despotism of Ferdinand. Young Cor- 
rea arrived at London, from the continent, totally destitute of 
the means of subsistence ; and, on expressing a wish to the 
friends of Mina, to follow that officer, he was by them fitted 
out in a handsome style, his passage and expenses to the Uni- 
ted States were paid, and a letter of credit was furnished him 
on New York. He arrived at that city, and then proceeded 
to Baltimore to meet the general, who received him with that 
generous sympathy which he invariably manifested towards 
the sufferers from Ferdinand's tyranny. Chevalier Don Luis 
de Onis, minister plenipotentiary of his Catholic majesty, in 
the United States, soon ascertained that Correa enjoved the 
high regard and confidence of Mina ; of course, it was of great 
importance for the minister to gain Correa over to the inter- 



70 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

csts of Spain. It is not necessary to enter into a minute de- 
tail of the artifices, used by the chevalier, to seduce this youth, 
but the following plain statement of facts will show, that Cor- 
rea deliberately formed a plan to assassinate his friend and 
benefactor Mina. In what manner the chevalier Onis is im- 
plicated, in such an infernal sheme, we know not from any 
positive data, but we have strong grounds to suspect, that he 
not only was acquainted with, but promoted the bloody de- 
signs of Correa. We have been promised some authentic 
documents on this subject; and should they reach our hands, 
we shall not hesitate in giving them publicity. 

Correa, in pursuance of his project, arrived with the expe- 
dition at Galvezton : after being there a short time, he made 
an attempt to excite a mutiny among Aury's troops, with an 
intention, no doubt, to seize the first favourable occasion that 
might offer, to perpetrate the savage act. 

The fellow had the address to seduce some of Aury's offi- 
cers, as well as two of Mina's, and to influence them so as to 
promote the mutiny, but he did not, except to one individual, 
communicate his real intention. Fortunately, one of Aury's 
officers disclosed the plot of the mutiny to the commodore, 
by whom the conspirators were immediately arrested. A court 
of inquiry was held on Mina's officers, but the general, not 
conceiving it politic to punish them with the severity they de- 
served, merely gave them a severe reprimand, and set them 
at liberty. 

Correa, finding his plan defeated, despaired of another op- 
portunity to create an insurrection among the troops, and ob- 
serving that Mina's officers looked on him with contempt, 
found his situation unpleasant at Galvezton. As he was too 
much attached to his own existence, to act the part of a daring 
assassin, he became anxious to abandon the expedition, and 
gladly embraced the opportunity of retiring from the island, 
conformably to an order he received from the general, to pro- 
ceed to New Orleans. 

Scarcely had Correa left the island, when Mina received 
some letters from the United States, which developed the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 71 

whole scheme of viilany ; but they unfortunately arrived too 
late to aid justice in her vengeance. 

By these letters it appeared, that Correa was to receive 
twelve thousand dollars, and the promise of a matrimonial 
connexion in Onis's family, provided Mina was put to death. 
If the chevalier really made such promises to Correa, he no 
doubt had in view the interests of his beloved master Ferdi- 
nand, and probably was guided by the chivalrous example 
which had been exhibited in Europe, by the renowned Cos- 
sack general Platoff, who offered his daughter in marriage to 
the wretch who would assassinate the emperor Napoleon. 

The substance of the letters, before mentioned, were pub- 
lished in an order of the day, at the camp at Galvezton, and 
caused a universal burst of indignation among all the officers 
and soldiers in the division. 

After Correa arrived at New Orleans, he found his situa- 
tion unsafe, as some of Mina's officers, who were there at the 
time, had resolved to inflict on him exemplary punishment, 
which he escaped by flying to Pensacola. 

The traitor afterwards reached Havana, where the captain 
general of Cuba, by way of premium for his services to the 
Spanish government, gave him a situation in the revenue de- 
partment. The last accounts state this wretch to be a custom 
house officer at Trinidad de Cuba. We presume, however, 
that when the officers of the Spanish government become ac- 
quainted with the facts previously stated, he will be treated 
by them with that scorn and abhorrence, which a traitor and 
coward deserves. 

We would fain hope, for the honour of human nature, as 
well as for the dignity of the diplomatic character, that the 
suspicions excited against chevalier Onis, in this affair, may 
eventually turn out to be unfounded, and that the assassin 
Correa was not stimulated by such high authority, to murder 
his patron ; but the page of history, more especially of the 
events of the last thirty years, shows that diplomatists have, 
on several occasions, countenanced deeds that would disho- 
nour banditti, and have boldly asserted the doctrine, that " the 
end justifies the means.' 1 '' 



72 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The ministers of Spain, resident in foreign countries, have 
long been in the habit of accomplishing their views, by the 
most refined intrigue, and certainly have not been very deli- 
cate as to the means they have employed. Arrogant menaces 
and secret promises, they have considered as component points 
in diplomacy. It may not be amiss, although a digression 
from our narrative, to insert here two letters, written some 
years ago, on the subject of Miranda's expedition, because 
they will illustrate the spirit and policy which the Spanish ca- 
binet has invariably pursued, better than a hundred ordinary 
anecdotes. 

In the year 1806, Miranda conducted an expedition against 
the province of Caracas, which failed. Several foreigners, 
who were engaged in it, fell into the hands of the Spanish go- 
vernment, among whom were some young Americans, be- 
longing to distinguished families. 

The marquis de Casa Yrujo, then ambassador of Spain in 
the United States, received from the government of Caracas, 
a list of the names of those unfortunate prisoners, and imme- 
diately addressed to a friend of colonel Smith, of New York, 
the following insidious letter. 

" Philadelphia, June 28th, 1806. 
* Sir, 
" I have just received from Caracas, a list of the names of 
the Americans taken by the Spaniards, on board of Miranda's 
schooners. The name of Smith is twice found in it. I sus- 
pect the last to be the son of colonel Smith, and grandson 
of Mr. Adams. Although I had some political difference 
with him when he was president, this circumstance has not 
deprived me of that particular regard and respect towards such 
a distinguished character, and particular consideration for his 
family. Not the least doubt exists, but the greater part of the 
prisoners will be put to death as pirates, and I should be very 
happy to be able, by a timely and immediate interference, to 
save the life of the unfortunate youth, grandson to the vene- 
rable Mr. Adams and his worthy spouse. But to render my 
intercession effectual, I would require, as the only condition, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 73 . 

that colonel Smith would disclose to me, through you, on his 
word of honour, all the knowledge he has of Miranda's plans ; 
of his intended points of attack ; of the persons with whom he 
had connexions at Caracas ; and the names of the Spaniards 
in this country, who shared in his scheme and expedition ; in 
fact, all the material information he may be possessed of, and 
the knowledge of which may be useful to my government, 
and the preservation and tranquillity of the provinces Miran- 
da had in view to revolutionize. 

"As I remember your attachment for Mr. Adams, I take the 
liberty to make these suggestions to you, who, no doubt, will 
employ all the means to relieve from affliction a worthy and 
disconsolate family ; at all events, I expect from you a prompt 
and decisive answer on this head. I remain, sir, with parti- 
cular regard and consideration, 

" Your obedient servant, 
Signed, " Marquis de Casa Yrujo. ■ 

« To Mr. ." 

The preceding letter was handed to colonel Smith, who re- 
turned the following dignified and Roman-like answer : — 

" New Tork, June 30th, 1806. 
" Dear Sir, 
" Accept my warmest acknowledgments for your very in- 
teresting communication of this date, presented by your son, 
accompanied by a letter from the marquis de Casa Yrujo, 
which, after maturely considering, I return, agreeably to your 
request. I am sure I shall do justice to Mr. and Mrs. Adams, 
if in their name I thank the marquis for his very polite atten- 
tion, in a case no doubt near, interesting, and affecting ! I am 
sure, when I do him the justice to communicate his tender 
solicitude for their grandson, it will not fail to excite those sen- 
sibilities and acknowledgments, which the marquis is highly 
entitled to. For myself, not having the honour of his ac- 
quaintance, I have no right to expect other attention, or dig- 
nity of character, than what would naturally spring from his 
own mind, when making such an interesting communication, 
(10) 



74 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

" He informs me he has just received from Caracas a list 
of the names of the Americans taken by the Spaniards, on 
board of^ Miranda's schooners ; that the name of Smith is 
twice found in it ; and he suspects the last to be my son, and 
grandson to Mr. Adams ; and says, that he should be very 
happy, by a timely and immediate interference, to save the 
life of the unfortunate youth, grandson to the venerable Mr. 
Adams and his worthy spouse ; he having no doubt but the 
greatest part of the Americans will be put to death ; but to 
render this intercession effectual, he requires, as the only con- 
dition, that I declare to him, through you, on my xvord of ho- 
nour, all the knowledge I have of Miranda's plans, of the 
points of attack, of the persons with whom he has connexions 
in the Caracas, and the names of the Spaniards in this coun- 
try, who shared in his schemes and expedition ; in fact, all the 
material information I may be possessed of, the knowledge of 
which may be useful to the Spanish government, for the pro- 
motion and preservation of tranquillity, in the provinces Mi- 
randa had in view to revolutionize. 

" When the marquis takes a disp ssionate view of the cir- 
cumstances connected with general Miranda's visit to Wash- 
ington, his subsequent visit here, and clearly ascertains that 
the persons accompanying him in the Leander were not in- 
formed of his projects and plans, he will permit his benevo- 
lence to expand, and shelter all those taken in the schooners, 
from harsh treatment and unmerited punishment, and will in- 
duce the government of his own country to view the question 
in other lights, than those which may tend to expose it to more 
serious animadversions than have been hitherto made, or to 
rousing the spirit of indignation and resentment, which, if once 
permitted to burst forth, cannot fail of being attended by strong- 
marks of resentment. 

" With regard to my son, he was not made acquainted with 
the plans of Miranda ; he went with him as a young compa- 
nion, to share his fortune and his fate; he was accompanied 
by some of his friends, capable of deeds of hardihood and va- 
lour, worthy their leader — worthy their cause ! 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 75 

*' Whatever may be the situation and fate of the prisoners 
on board of the schooners, I can never tacitly sanction the lash 
of tyranny on his associates, and snatch my son from a parti- 
cipation in their fate, whatever it may be. Nothing but the 
marquis's want of acquaintance with me, can plead an excuse 
for the indelicacy of the proposition. 

" Do me the favour, my friend, to inform the marquis, that 
were I in my son's situation, I would not comply with his pro- 
posals to save myself, and would not cast so great an indigni- 
ty on my son, my family, and myself, as to shelter him under 
the shield of disgrace. 

" I have no doubt the marquis will give such advice to the 
government of Caracas, and make such statement to his king, 
(by whom I may have the honour to be personally recollect- 
ed,) as will induce them not to tarnish the dignified character 
of the Spanish nation, by an act of passion and barbarity, 
connected with the present case. 

" I am, dear sir, with respect, 

" Your friend and humble servant, 
Signed, " William S. Smith. 

« To ." 

Fortunately, the son of colonel Smith was not among the 
hapless prisoners at that time in Caracas ; but there is lit- 
tle doubt, that had he been there, he would have been sacri- 
ficed among the victims of Spanish cruelty who were execut- 
ed at Puerto Cavello. He is now a resident of the city of 
Washington. 

After the departure of Mina for New Orleans, as already 
mentioned, a serious difference arose between commodore 
Aury and colonel Perry, who commanded a body of one hun- 
dred Americans, in Aury's service. When Mina first landed, 
Perry determined, with his men, to quit the service of Aury, 
and join the standard of Mina. This hitention was soon dis- 
covered by the commodore, who tried various means to dis- 
possess Perry of his command; he at length, on the 1st of 
March, arrested him and captain Gordon, making prisoners of 



76 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

them in his own quarters. This act produced an open rupture. 
Perry's men, on being informed that their colonel was thus 
arrested, sent word to the commodore, that they were deter- 
mined to defend him to the last, and for that purpose beat to 
arms. To oppose this party, Aury drew up the men whom. 
he thought were in his interest, about eighty in number, prin- 
cipally coloured men, under the command of colonel Savary, 
with one field piece. During this disgraceful scene in Aury's 
camp, Mina's division was not inactive. Colonel Montilla 
placed sentries so as to cut off the communication between the 
encampments; a supply of ammunition was delivered, and the 
division was kept under arms. This altercation, however, 
fortunately terminated without blood-shed. Perry was liber- 
ated ; he and his men were alloWed by the commodore to join 
the standard they preferred, as well as such others of the com- 
modore's troops as might deem proper to do so. Colonel 
Perry accordingly placed himself under the orders of Mina. 

While the general was at New Orleans, he had frequent 
interviews with the gentlemen who had proposed the project 
of an expedition against Pensacola. But he soon discovered 
that it was merely a mercantile speculation, from which no 
advantage would result in favour of his views on Mexico ; in- 
deed, all the propositions made to him, while at New Orleans, 
were widely different from his own plans. As a soldier and 
a patriot he disliked to war for mercenary considerations, and 
he was most decidedly hostile to all predatory projects. He 
purchased at New Orleans a ship, the Cleopatra, for a trans- 
port, to replace the ship with which he left England, having 
given her up according to agreement. Having likewise made 
arrangements for the purchase of another ship, the Neptune, 
he set sail for Galvezton, taking with him a few European 
and American officers. Upon his arrival, on the 16th of 
March, he found the division embarked, and ready for sailing. 

In consequence of not having received any definite infor- 
mation of a place at which he could unite with any part of 
Victoria's forces, and as the whole line of coast was in pos- 
session of the royalists, he resolved to proceed to a town 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 77 

called Soto la Marina, on the river Santander, in the colony 
of that name. This was a point at which the descent was least 
expected by the royalists. The enemy conjectured that the 
general meditated effecting a landing in the northern parts of 
the province of Vera Cruz, for the purpose of forming a junc- 
tion with Victoria. They had therefore concentrated a body 
of troops in the vicinity of Tuspan, a central situation, from 
whence they could quickly march to the invaded point, and 
crush Mina at the outset. 

During the time the division was at Galvezton, some of the 
officers had resigned, and received passports to leave the 
island. Colonel Montilla, and two other officers of Caracas, 
also embarked for New Orleans. 

While the fleet was waiting a wind, two brigs, the one a 
prize to a Mexican privateer, the other to a Buenos Ayres 
cruizer, loaded with jerked beef and rice, were brought in for 
condemnation. As there was not leisure to attend to their 
business, it was determined that they should proceed with the 
expedition. The division was distributed among the vessels ; 
and, the wind coming out from the northward, the fleet, on 
the 27th of March, made sail. It consisted of the following 
vessels : — 

An armed schooner, Commodore Aury, having on board 
the company of artillery, and the caval- 
ry, under colonel the count De Ruuth. 

Cleopatra, (transport) Captain Hooper, the general and 
staff, Guard of Honour, and first regi- 
ment of the line. 

Two prize brigs, Regiment of the Union, colonel Perry. 

Neptune, (storeship) Captain Wisset, commissariat and 
stores. 

Schooner Ellen Tooker, on a trading voyage : she arrived as 
the fleet was getting under way, and 
agreed to accompany the expedition. 

A small sloop, Captain Williams. 



7S MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The force of the division, on board the fleet, including all 
those in any manner attached to it, the sailors, mechanics, and 
servants, was three hundred. 

Soon after sailing, it came on to blow heavy from the west- 
ward, which threatened a long run; and it was also discovered 
that the Cleopatra had not the necessary provisions on board. 
The general had confided in the reports made by the then 
commissary, Bianchi, and the captain of the ship, and pre- 
sumed, that, agreeably thereto, stores were shipped. Supplies 
were, however, obtained from the cargo of the prize brig : 
but, on the arrival of the fleet off the Rio Grande del Norte, 
the water was nearly expended. As the weather had mode- 
rated, the general resolved to endeavour to procure supplies 
there, and the fleet ran in and anchored off the mouth of the 
river. A sergeant's guard had been stationed there by the 
royalists, for the purpose, as was understood, of preventing 
privateers from watering. Major Sarda and some other 
officers, who volunteered, were sent on shore to ascertain if 
supplies could be procured. As the fleet had hoisted Spanish 
colours, and as major Sarda, the commander of the party was a 
Spaniard, the guard supposed the fleet to be Spanish, bound to 
Vera Cruz. The boats had free access to the river to obtain 
water, and the soldiers of the guard drove up some cattle, 
which were wild, and in great abundance. The bar of the Rio 
Grande is v/ery shoal, and it was with great difficulty that a 
small supply of water could be got off, owing to the danger of 
the bar. A boat belonging to commodore Aury's schooner 
was upset among the breakers, and a Spanish officer, lieutenant 
Dallares, was unfortunately lost. This young Spaniard, to 
whom Mina had been a benefactor, and who had left England 
with him, was one of the few of his countrymen, that had ad- 
hered to the general to the last. Mina was much attached to 
him, and deeply regretted the accident which had deprived 
him of a warm friend. Four men also, belonging to the fleet, 
deserted and hid themselves in the woods ; they afterwards 
presented themselves to the enemy, to whom they gave every 
information. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 79 

As soon as the vessels had obtained a sufficient supply of 
fresh beef and water, to carry the expedition to the intended 
point, the fleet made sail, with the wind at south east, but it soon 
afterwards shifted to the westward, and blew a gale, in which 
the vessels were dispersed. The troops on board the Cleo- 
patra, whose stores were less ample than those of the other 
vessels, were thereby placed in a disagreeable situation. The 
fresh beef would not last more than twenty-four hours, and the 
prize brig, which had hitherto supplied their wants, was not In 
sight. The stores were soon reduced to a small quantity of 
bread, and a keg of almonds, and as the weather continued 
bad, it became absolutely necessary to put every one on short 
allowance. Accordingly, half a biscuit, and a few almonds, 
with a pint of water, were daily served out to each man, the 
general receiving the same; but this privation continued only 
five or six days. The Cleopatra arrived at the rendezvous the 
11th of April ; and the next and following day the rest of the 
fleet got in also. 

Arrangements were then made to disembark the troops, 
and, early on the 15th, it was effected without accident. 

Two men, dressed and mounted as peasantry (paisanos) 
joined the general in the course of the day. They afforded 
him some local information, and he understood from them 
that Don Felipe La Garza, the commandant of the district, 
was in the adjacent town of Soto la Marina, with a small force. 
These men appeared frank and well disposed, and offered their 
services as guides, and accompanied a party to drive up some 
horses. They, however, watched an opportunity, and slipped 
off. It afterwards appeared, that these men were Creoles, of 
that part of the country, and royalist soldiers, who had been 
sent down by La Garza to ascertain the strength of the inva- 
ding force, which having done, to the best of their abilities, 
they decamped. The general had brought with him from 
New Orleans a native of Soto la Marina, so that he suffered 
no great inconvenience for the want of a guide, by the deser- 
tion of his new friends. 

During the passage from Galvezton, Mina published an 
address to his companions in arms, in which he reminded them 



80 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

of the sacred enterprise in which they had engaged, to con- 
stantly bear in mind that they were not going to conquer the 
country, but to aid in its emancipation from a tyrannical go- 
vernment ; he particularly recommended to them, to be care- 
ful in conciliating the good will of the inhabitants, to respect 
their customs, to show the most scrupulous regard to the min- 
isters of religion, and on no occasion, or under any pretence, 
to violate the sanctity of the temples dedicated to divine wor- 
ship. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 81 



CHAPTER IV. 

Soto la Marina occupied by Mina — General arrangements there 
-—Action of colonel Perry -with Don Felipe La Garza — ■ 
Continuation of events in Soto la Marina — Capture of the 
Cleopatra, by the Spanish frigate La Sabina — Dastardly 
conduct of the officers of that expedition — Line of march 
taken up for the interior — A succession of events — Action 
N cr£, and capture of the town of El Valle de Mais — Occur- 
rences at that place, and departure therefrom — Battle ofPe- 
otillos — Sanguinary decrees of the enemy — Conduct of the 
priest of Hideonda, and remarks thereon — Mind's progress 
— Attack and taking of Sierra de Pinos — Departure there- 
from — function with the Patriots — Arrival at the Patriot 
fortress of Sombrero — Lts description. 

THE mouth of the river Santander is very narrow, with a 
bar across it, over which vessels drawing more than six feet 
of water cannot be carried. Near the beach the country is 
intersected by large bayous, and shallow ponds, extending a 
long way to the northward. After passing the bar, the river 
suddenly widens, but afterwards gradually contracts itself to-» 
wards the town of Soto la Marina. It is navigable, for such 
vessels as can pass the bar, to within a very short distance of 
the town, beyond which it is too shallow even for boats. The 
village (pueblo) of Soto la Marina stands upon an elevated 
situation, on the left or north bank of the river, and is distant 
from its mouth eighteen leagues. 

On the morning of the 15th, the boats of the fleet were des- 
patched up the river, with a field piece, some stores, and a 
detachment of artillery, to meet the division at the old set- 
tlement of Soto la Marina, which is but a short distance up 
the river, on the road to the present village; for which place 
the division, at the same time, took up its march. The 
(ID 



82 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

boats, not finding the division at the old settlement, as was 
expected, proceeded on to the town, where they found the 
troops had just arrived before them. The division had been 
three days on the march from the beach, owing to the igno- 
rance of the guide, who had conducted it by a very circuitous 
route ; and it had suffered much, from extreme heat and want 
of water. 

In Mexico, five months of the year, commencing with May, 
are rain)^; the other seven are perfectly dry. The expedition 
had landed at a period of the most parching heat and drought, 
when every rivulet was dried up; so that a march in the mid- 
dle of the day, was almost insupportable. The least fatiguing 
method of conducting a march in Mexico, particularly in the 
low regions of its coasts, and the internal provinces, is, to 
move forward at the first dawn of day, and advance until nine 
or ten o'clock; then to halt, and employ the interval in cooking, 
and refreshing the troops, until four in the afternoon, when 
the march should be resumed, and a halt made for the night 
where the local positions best point out. Thus, more ground 
can be gone over, and with less fatigue to the soldier, than by 
continuing the march through the middle of the day. 

The advanced guard, composed of volunteers from the Guard 
of Honour, and the cavalry, with a detachment of the first re- 
giment of the line, under major Sarda, entered Soto la Marina, 
without any opposition; La Garza, with the garrison and some 
families, evacuating the town on its approach. The division 
was met, at the entrance of the village, by the curate, who 
welcomed the general with open arms. When La Garza an- 
nounced to the inhabitants the landing of Mina, he represent- 
ed him as accompanied by a band of heretics, who had come 
into the country to deal out destruction on every side, and 
indiscriminately to put all to the sword. By these misrepre- 
sentations> and by coercive measures, he had compelled the 
most respectable part of the community to abandon the town; 
and it was with much astonishment and satisfaction, that the 
remaining inhabitants found themselves treated with respect. 
On taking possession, the necessary proclamations were 
issued, offering protection to the persons and property of those 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 83 

who remained peaceably at their homes, recalling the inhabi- 
tants who had deserted the place, and threatening the confis- 
cation of the property of those who did not return within a 
given time. Civil officers also were selected from among the 
inhabitants, and clothed with authority by the general. Colo- 
nel the count De Ruuth, at this period, resigned his command, 
and returned on board of the commodore's vessel. The colonel 
was highly esteemed by the whole division ; and his loss was 
much regretted. Captain Maylefer was promoted to the rank 
of major, and appointed to the command of the cavalry. 

A printing-press was immediately established, under the 
direction of Doctor Infante, a native of Havana ; and the ge- 
neral's manifesto was published. It took a retrospect of his 
exertions in the cause of liberty, and set forth the motives 
which had induced him to espouse that of the suffering colo- 
nies. This document soon reached the military commandants, 
many of whom, with their troops, would have joined the 
standard of Mina ; but, as they had ascertained the strength 
of his division, they held back, conceiving his force too incon- 
siderable to effect any important object. Nevertheless, many 
of the inhabitants were not overawed by the royalists ; and, in 
the first instance, countrymen, to the number of upwards of 
one hundred, united under his banners : they were well-formed, 
hardy fellows, and subsequently proved themselves faithful 
and brave. The division, at different periods, was joined by 
other recruits, the whole number amounting to above two 
hundred. Among those who joined it were two royalist offi- 
cers, lieutenant-colonel Don Valentine Rubio, and his brother, 
lieutenant Rubio. 

The attention of the general was constantly directed towards 
the equipment and regulation of his little band. By colonel 
Rubio, as well as from other sources, he was furnished with 
horses ; and a hundred of the recruits were attached to the 
cavalry, the others to the first regiment. They who after- 
wards joined the division, were enrolled either with the hus- 
sars, the dragoons, or the first regiment. The different corps 
were equipped as follows : — 

Guard of Honour, (infantry) officers, uniformed as such, 
armed with musket and bayonet. 



W-' 



84 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Artillery y Brown coats, faced with red ; four field 

pieces, two six inch howitzers, and two 
eleven and a half inch mortars. 

Cavalry y HussarSy Scarlet hussarjackets, chacot and plume, 
armed with swords, light dragoon cara- 
bines, and pistols. 

, Dragoons y United States dragoon uniform, armed 

with sword, pistol, and lance. 

Regiment of the Unioiiy Uniform of the British 104th regi- 
ment of infantry. 

First regiment of the line. United States rifle uniforms. 

Mina, in furtherance of his plans, scoured the country in 
every direction; but, although these incursions were made by 
small parties, sometimes not exceeding twenty, yet La Garza, 
who was hovering in the vicinity of Soto La Marina, with 
upwards of three hundred men, never attacked them. The 
general visited some of the towns and haciendas, (plantations) 
and a detachment penetrated even to Santandery the capital of 
the province : but La Garza's threats obliged the respectable 
inhabitants to retire from their settlements, on the approach of 
Mina's parties, and, however ill inclined they might be to such 
removal, they were forced to comply with seeming alacrity. 

During this period, a valuable prize was unluckily snatched 
from the grasp of the general. He received intelligence that 
Don Ramon de La Mora, owner of the hacienda of Palo Alto % 
seven leagues distant from Soto la Marina, who had been for 
some time amusing him with promises of supplies, had sud- 
denly decamped, taking with him all his moveables, with his 
cash, amounting, as was said, to one hundred thousand dollars; 
and that he was encamped in a ranc/iOy* eleven leagues distant 

* Rancho signifies a farm, or collection of peasant huts from one and up- 
wards. These places have no churches, depending' for spiritual assistance 
on the curate of an adjoining pueblo or hacienda. A church is necessary to 
constitute a pueblo; but a collection of houses, be their number great or 
small, if there be not a church, is called a rancho. Some of them are very 
extensive, while others contain only a single house. Some of the pueblos 
contain merely the church and the curate's house, while others have a dense 
population. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 85 

from the town. The general, with twenty dragoons, and 
eighty infantry, under colonel Perry, marched, on the same 
night, to surprise him. While on their way, the general was 
informed that de La Mora was escorted by a body of troops. 
Arrived within two leagues, Mina ordered colonel Perry 
to continue his march to the rancho, while he, with the 
cavalry, took another road, that they might attack the enemy 
in front and rear. Having arrived near the rancho, and 
expecting to find the enemy unprepared, the general charged 
into the place ; but, to his great surprise, he found neither 
the enemy nor his own infantry : the houses also were aban- 
doned, but the lights which were burning evidently denoted 
that their inmates had recently fled. Unable to gain any 
intelligence, either of his infantry, or of the object of his 
march, he was obliged to return to Soto la Marina, highly 
mortified at the disappointment. Perry, after separating from 
the cavalry, arrived at the rancho, where he learned that Don 
Ramon had proceeded onward; and, leaving information with 
the inhabitants for the general, he marched in pursuit of him. 
But, as soon as Perry had left the place, the people retired to 
the woods. Unexpectedly, in the morning, colonel Perry 
came upon the object of his pursuit, encamped in a plain; and 
the property was captured. But it had not been long in his 
possession, when La Garza, with three hundred and fifty men, 
who had been escorting the property, made their appearance. 
The colonel, finding himself opposed by such a superiority of 
force, and being unacquainted with the character of his enemy, 
deemed it prudent to occupy an advantageous position, there 
to act on the defensive, leaving a guard of six men with the 
property. La Garza advanced singly, and held a parley with 
an officer of colonel Perry; during which, he offered the royal 
clemency to the troops, if they would lay down their arms. 
This proposition put an end to the conference : La Garza 
returned to his troops, and prepared for the attack. In the 
meantime, Perry, who, whatever faults may be ascribed to 
him, was an heroic American, addressed his men in a short 
but enthusiastic harangue ; reminding them, that the eyes of 
their country were fixed on their conduct, and that an oppor- 



86 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

tunity now presented itself to prove that they were worthy of 
the cause they had espoused. At that moment, the enemy's 
cavalry charged, with its accustomed impetuosity : they were 
repulsed. They returned to the charge, and made several 
unsuccessful attempts to break Perry's infantry; but, find- 
ing all their endeavours fruitless, they at length retired in 
confusion, leaving nine dead. As the colonel had no cavalry 
with which to follow up his success, the enemy again formed, 
but manifested no disposition to renew the attack. Perry, 
after having gained this advantage, was reluctantly obliged to 
abandon the object of his expedition, being unable, from the 
want of cavalry, to withdraw the property. He fell back, 
unmolested, on Soto la Marina. In this affair, he lost one 
man killed, and two taken prisoners ; they belonged to the 
guard placed over the property: but, in the ranks, no one was 
either killed or wounded. This advantage, although trivial 
as regards the injury done the enemy, had great weight with 
Mina's division. It inspired confidence, and induced a belief 
in his little band, that they were able to contend against far 
superior numbers. 

After Mina's disembarkation, a force of upwards of eight 
hundred royalists was stationed at Altamira, forty leagues 
south of Soto la Marina. The passive conduct of the enemy, 
in allowing Mina to remain so long unmolested, is a circum- 
stance which can best be explained by the royal commanders. 
But the dispersed condition of the enemy's troops, who were 
scattered in small parties over the country, and the invasion 
of the kingdom at Soto la Marina being entirely unexpected, 
are, it is probable, the reasons why Don Joaquin Arredondo, 
the commandant general of the eastern internal provinces, was 
so long in making preparations, and in moving from Monte- 
rey, his head-quarters. 

The situation of that division of the kingdom, and indeed 
of the whole of Mexico, was at this time very critical. The 
great body of the troops were disaffected to the royal cause ; 
Mina was adored by the European soldiers; and he had indu- 
bitable intelligence, that a large number of natives were ready- 
to come down from the mountains to the sea-coast to join him ; 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 87 

who were only prevented from doing it, by the subsequent 
movement of the enemy. Had Mina landed with only five 
hundred troops, he might, with a sure confidence of success, 
have awaited the enemy in his intuenchments at Soto la Ma- 
rina ; and there can scarcely exist a doubt, that in that case 
a blow would have been struck against Arredondo, from which 
he could not have easily recovered. The intimate knowledge 
which we have acquired, since that period, respecting the royal 
troops; their known disaffection; the intrepidity, and superior 
appointment, of Mina's little band, and the distinguished abi- 
lity, activity, and bravery of their commander, all combine to 
warrant this assertion. 

The general, by advices and spies, received intelligence, at 
the commencement of the month of May, that Arredondo 
was concentrating all the disposable force of the comandancia. 
Knowing that the enemy would be too strong for his small 
force, he proposed to throw up a small work of defence at 
Soto la Marina, for the purpose of protecting the military 
stores, and holding out against a siege, should the royalists 
attempt to invest it; while, in the interim, he should, by rapid 
marches, penetrate into the interior, and form a junction with 
the patriots in that quarter; an enterprise which he conceived 
to be practicable, and from which he flattered himself he should 
be able to return with an augmented force, sufficient to defeat 
the enemy, and also to bring with him pecuniary supplies. 
In pursuance of these determinations, an eligible situation was 
selected, on the bank of the river, a little to the eastward of 
the village ; and the construction of the fort was commenced, 
under the direction of captain Rigal, of the engineers. The 
whole division laboured with alacrity, in the accomplishment 
of this work, in which they were assisted by the country peo- 
ple, the general himself setting the example, by sharing the 
labour with them. The little fortification was soon in a state 
of considerable forwardness ; and, although it was only a mud 
fort, yet it was hoped, that, when completed, it would be suf- 
ficient to bid defiance to the efforts of the enemy. As the 
river was here very narrow, it was intended to throw up a 
redoubt on the opposite bank, which should pix>tect the rear 
of the fort, and cover the water. 



88 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Mina's conduct, on this occasion, was marked with the 
greatest firmness and intrepidity. Aware that Arredondo 
would put in motion an overwhelming force of two thousand 
men at least, he resolved to leave a garrison in the mud fort, 
and to cut his way, with the residue of his little band, into the 
interior of the Mexican empire. These dispositions appear 
stamped with temerity, or rather bear the features of knight- 
errantry; but the circumstances of his situation justified the 
measures that he adopted, and the sequel will show, that 
untoward circumstances alone prevented the gallant general 
from succeeding in his object. 

During this interval, commodore Aury had departed in his 
schooner, having made an arrangement with the general for 
the purchase of his brig of war, the Congreso Mexicano, then 
in New Orleans. 

The prize brigs had also sailed, and there remained at the 
bar the Cleopatra, Neptune, and Ellen Tooker. The former 
had come down as a transport, in ballast. The Neptune store 
ship, being old, and a very heavy sailer, was run on shore 
at the mouth of the river, as soon as she was discharged, in 
order to be broken up, as her materials could be applied to 
various other purposes. Of her cargo, a considerable quanti- 
ty had been carried up the river, though much, particularly of 
the powder, still remained at the landing place. The officers 
and seamen of the ships, in charge of these stores, had pitched 
some tents on the beach, with the view of sheltering them 
from the weather; but they little expected that these very tents 
should have the effect, as was subsequently the case, of exciting- 
alarm among the crews of a Spanish frigate and two schooners, 
so as to deter them from disembarking for the purpose of 
destroying the stores. 

On the part of the sailors, matters went on very pleasantly 
till the morning of the 17th of May, when, at seven o'clock, 
the Spanish frigate La Sabina, and the schooners La B dona 
and La Proserpina, appeared in the offing, despatched from 
Vera Cruz with most positive orders (as it afterwards ap- 
peared) not only to destroy the vessels, but also the stores 
that might be found on shore. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 89 

At sight of these unwelcome visiters, the crew of the Cleo- 
patra got into the boats, and pushed for the shore. As it was 
impossible for the seamen to resist so powerful an enemy, all 
hands abandoned the stores, took to the boats, and came up 
to Soto la Marina with the intelligence. Captain Hooper, 
however, remained with his boat a short way up the river, 
from whence he could distinctly observe the conduct of the 
Spanish marine. 

The Ellen Tooker immediately made sail, and, as the Spa- 
niards say, escaped by superior sailing. The Cleopatra had 
nothing whatever on board, except a cat, which the sailors, 
in their hurry, had forgotten to carry with them. The ves- 
sel had not the semblance of any thing warlike ; she was 
quite light, had bright sides, and was without quarters. While 
the schooners were in chase of the Ellen Tooker, the frigate 
acted with commendable caution. She came down with great 
care upon the unfortunate Cleopatra, and after pouring two 
broadsides into her, finding she made no return, they ven- 
tured to board and take possession of her. Encouraged by this 
dash, they manned the boats of the squadron, (the schooners 
having returned from the chase,) for the purpose of landing, 
and either carrying off or destroying the stores on the beach. 
After pulling near the mouth of the river, these valiant fellows 
took fright, no doubt at the sight of the tents pitched by the 
sailors. The appearance of them probably excited an appre- 
hension that a party was in waiting ; they, therefore, thought 
it most prudent to abandon this perilous attempt, and con- 
tent themselves with the victory achieved over the empty 
ship. They accordingly returned to their respective vessels, 
and soon afterwards, having put two guns from the frigate on 
board the prize, the whole squadron made sail. The ship 
however was so much shattered by the unmerciful cannonading 
she had sustained, as to be rendered unseaworthy, and after 
being in possession of the enemy a short time, they burnt her. 

On returning to Vera Cruz, these heroes boasted of their 

bravery in having destroyed two vessels, one a ship of war, 

alluding to the Neptune, which, it will be recollected, had been 

previously broken up by order of the general; and they alleged 

(12) 



90 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

as a reason for not destroying the stores ashore, that the surf 
ran too high. The true reason we have before conjectured; 
for the surf certainly was no obstacle. The stores had been 
safely landed when it had been equally great, and the crew 
of the ship had that very morning experienced no difficulty 
from it. 

The victory over the rebel Mina, at Soto la Marina, was 
celebrated at Vera Cruz, on the return of the frigate La 
Sabina, by a solemn Te Deum. Despatches were transmitted 
to the city of Mexico, which were afterwards published in the 
Mexican Gazette, announcing that Mina's expedition was 
totally destroyed, and a number of prisoners taken. In con- 
sequence of this signal victory, a general promotion took place ; 
and the midshipman, who fearlessly boarded the Cleopatra, 
was appointed a lieutenant. We shall have occasion to notice, 
in the sequel, other exaggerations and palpable falsehoods, 
which the Spanish government have been in the habit of pub- 
lishing in the course of this revolution ; indeed, how could it 
be otherwise, when there is only a solitary newspaper in the 
whole kingdom, and that under the vigilant control of a des- 
potic government ? 

Mina heard of the arrival of the squadron off the river, and 
of the capture of the vessels, with the greatest composure. 
He at once concluded that the enemy would not only destroy 
the stores, but would co-operate with Arredondo. The gene- 
ral therefore ordered a detachment, with a field piece, down 
the river to observe the movements of the enemy; but captain 
Hooper soon after coming up, his account of the affair con- 
verted the alarm of the garrison into a scene of merriment, at 
the expense of their valiant antagonists. 

The fort was by this time in a state of completion. Four 
carronades from the fleet, the field pieces and howitzers, were 
mounted. Two eleven and a half inch mortars, a considerable 
quantity of ammunition, and part of the Neptune's cargo, were 
brought up. Cattle were killed, and their flesh jerked; such 
corn as could be procured in the vicinity was brought in, and 
the place was put in as good a state of defence, as the time 
and circumstances would permit. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 01 

As general Arredondo had commenced his march from 
Monterey, and was advancing upon the garrison with a body 
of two thousand men, and seventeen pieces of artillery, (being 
the united force of the eastern internal provinces,) Mina made 
the necessary dispositions for his intended march into the in- 
terior. He encamped the part of the division with which he 
was to perform the undertaking, on the right bank of the river, 
about a league distant from Soto la Marina, where it remained 
a few days. 

Colonel Perry had for some time given strong evidences of 
discontent. He had frequently avowed his opinion, that the 
division was too weak to be of any service to the patriots, and 
that he anticipated its annihilation. It was afterwards suppos- 
ed, that he had long meditated the scheme which he now put 
into execution. Taking advantage of the absence of the gene- 
ral and colonel Young from the encampment, he harangued 
his soldiers, and informed them of his intention of separating 
from Mina, and returning to the United States ; he represented 
to them the very great perils into which they were about to 
be drawn, and urged them to retreat while an opportunity 
presented itself. By these means he prevailed on fifty-one of 
his troops, including major Gordon, and the rest of his officers, 
with one of the Guard of Honour, to accompany him. They 
marched in the direction of Matagorda, at which place he ex- 
pected to meet with a sufficient number of boats to convey his 
party within the line of demarcation, between the United 
States and the Spanish possessions. 

The colonel's conduct caused both surprise and regret ; for 
although he had occasionally manifested some caprice and dis- 
content, yet no one supposed it possible that he could abandon 
the cause in the hour of danger; and indeed his conduct on this 
occasion is still very mysterious. Besides, to march with such 
a handful of men along the sea coast, where he knew that 
water, particularly at that season of the year, was very scarce, 
and when the enemy, it was presumable, would oppose his 
progress, was an act of palpable rashness. 

It was subsequently ascertained from the best Mexican au- 
thorities, that the colonel did actually penetrate to within a 



92 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

short distance of his destined point ; after several skirmishes 
with the royal troops, in which success attended him. Flush- 
ed with these victories, he determined on attacking a fortified 
position near Matagorda, which might have been left in his 
rear, as the garrison did not evince the least disposition to 
annoy him. He had summoned the commandant to surrender, 
who was deliberating on the propriety of doing so, at the mo- 
ment when a party of two hundred cavalry made its appear- 
ance. A refusal to the summons was the consequence. The 
garrison sallied out, and a severe action commenced, in which 
Perry and his men displayed the most determined valour. 
They continued combating against this superiority of force 
till every man was killed, except Perry. Finding himself the 
only surviver, and determined not to be made a prisoner, he 
presented a pistol to his head, and terminated his existence. 
Thus perished a brave but rash man, and with him fell some 
valuable officers and men. 

Colonel Perry had been in the United States' service, and 
.was at the memorable battle of New Orleans. He embarked 
in the cause of Mexico, and was attached to the division that 
invaded Texas, under Don Jose Bernardo Gutierez. He was 
under the command of Toledo, in the attack made on the 
Spanish troops commanded by Arredondo, in advance of San 
Antonio de Bejar, on the 18th of August, 1813. In that dis- 
astrous affair, the colonel behaved with his usual courage, but 
narrowly escaped with his life. His sufferings from fatigue 
and privations were extreme, before he again reached the 
United States, 

The desertion of colonel Perry, with so great a number of 
valuable men, was a most severe blow to Mina; but it did not 
daunt his resolute mind. Major Stirling, who had been in 
the service of the United States, was appointed to the com- 
mand of the regiment of the Union, and other officers were 
nominated in lieu of those who had deserted. 

Arredondo having, by this time, advanced to within a short 
distance of Soto la Marina, the general made his final arrange- 
ments at the fort; leaving, for its garrison, detachments of the 
Guard of Honour, artillery, first regiment of the line, engi- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 93 

neers, medical and commissariat departments, mechanics, &c. 
with the sailors of the destroyed vessels, under captain Hoop- 
er, and some recruits. The whole, amounting to about one 
hundred men, were placed under the command of major Don 
Jose Sarda. The general instructed the major to hold out to 
the last ; assuring him that he would return in a short time, 
and compel the enemy to raise the siege, should they attempt 
to form one during his absence. 

On the 24th of May, the division commenced its march. 
It was composed of the following troops : — 

General and staff, -- - - - - H 

Guard of Honour, colonel Young, - - 31 

Cavalry, hussars and dragoons, major Maylefer, 124 

Regiment of the Union, major Stirling, - - 56 

First regiment of the line, captain Travino, - 64 

Artillery soldiers, ----- 5 

Officers' servants, armed, - - - - 12 

Ordinanzas of the staff, - 5 

Total, - - ..... 308* 

When the march was commenced, the enemy was only a 
few leagues distant ; and therefore the utmost secrecy, and 
rapid movements, became necessary, in order to elude him. 
The following day, the guide conducted the division through 
an Indian path, over hills covered with dense woods, which, 
in many places, it became necessary to re-open. It traversed 
thickets, which had not, perhaps, for many years previously, 
been penetrated. This day's march was long, commencing at 
sun-rise. The troops suffered for want of water ; for until 

* This was not the actual strength of the division, when it first marched. 
A change also took place in the corps. Some of the officers of the Guard 
of Honour, were transfered, on the march, to other corps. During the first 
twelve days of its progress, several recruits offered themselves ; and, as a 
few stand of arms, and some clothing, were carried along with the division, 
they were enrolled with the cavalry, or the first regiment. In addition to 
the above, there were several muleteers. To avoid a prolix detail, the writer 
has at once stated the greatest strength of the division. 



94 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

sun-set, when the division emerged from the thickets, it had 
been exposed to a burning sun, without any breeze or water 
to refresh them. Some water was found at the edge of the 
thicket; and, after a few minutes' halt, the march was resumed, 
and continued till midnight, when the general, with the caval- 
ry, advanced to an hacienda. Mina took with him the guide, 
and the division was in consequence obliged to halt ; but it 
remained under arms, and at day -light again moved on, ar- 
riving, about noon, at the hacienda, fatigued and hungry. 

Beef was here served out, but the necessary article of bread, 
from the method of preparing it,* could not possibly be pro- 
cured ; and the troops were under the necessity of eating meat 
alone. This was the general fare the road afforded, for the 
remainder of the march, and that only once in twenty-four 
hours. Although the whole of the troops were mounted, yet 
their progress was tedious and slow, as the horses were soon 

* The bread stuff consumed by the Mexicans generally, but particularly 
by the country people, is made of corn, and by a process unknown elsewhere. 
The quantity of corn, necessary for the daily consumption of the family, is 
put to steep, over night, in a large earthen vessel, in hot water, mixed 
with lime. This softens the husk, and in the morning it is ready for use ; 
but the taste of the corn, and the greatest part of its substance, is extracted 
by this preparation. It is then ground up, with much labour, between two 
fiat stones, called by the Indians amelate; and afterwards formed, by beating 
it between the hands, into cakes, about eight or ten inches in diameter, and 
about one-sixteenth of an inch in thickness. These are then placed on an 
earthen heater, or griddle, (~comalJ and baked. These cakes they call tor- 
tillas. The preparation of them is very laborious, and entirely performed 
by the women; and, if the family be large, it requires four or five to perform 
this duty. The art of making tortillas is considered of great importance 
by the natives; and its excellency consists in grinding the grain till it be- 
comes white, making the cakes thin, and, above all, in keeping the table 
supplied with a succession of hot ones during the meals. The Indian, when 
about to marry, is particularly careful to select for his bride one who under- 
stands this art ; perfection in it being considered by them as the acme of 
female accomplishments. 

From the preceding description, it will be perceived, that to make tortil- 
las, in the small ranchos, for upwards of three hundred soldiers, would have 
required more time than could have been spared for the purpose; and there- 
fore it rarely happened that the troops were supplied with this important 
article of food. In the towns and large villages, however, abundance of 
wheaten bread can always be procured. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 95 

broken down by continual and long marches. The sufferings 
of the troops, from the want of good provisions, the tedious- 
ness of the marches through a broiling sun, and the being fre- 
quently many hours without water, together with other causes, 
were almost incredible ; but, as it is not the intention of the 
writer to swell the narrative with a prolix statement of person- 
al hardships, although it was one continuation of privations, 
he will restrict himself to the mention of such only as he con- 
ceives to be essential to the history. 

The general, bv making the rapid and secret march of the 
two preceding days, not only eluded the enemy, but calculated 
on being able to surprise some of the rich refugees from Soto 
la Marina, who, he learned, were at this hacienda, which was 
distant from that place, by the route taken by the division, 
twenty-five leagues. He presumed they would be lulled into 
security, as they conceived it was impossible for him to ad- 
vance by the high road, without their receiving timely advice. 
In fact, the mission was completely surprised; but Mina found 
there only some priests, and the wife of Don Ramon de La 
Mora, the proprietor of Palo Alto. A part of the property 
which had been taken by colonel Perry, was found deposited 
there ; and, as it consisted of articles essential to the comfort 
and wants of the troops, the general ordered them to be distri- 
buted among his men. 

From this place, the division moved forward, the next 
morning. Nothing material occurred, until its arrival at the 
town of Horcas'ttas, situated on the bank of the river Altami- 
ra. The river was fordable, but by a very dangerous pass ; 
and one officer, lieutenant Gabet, was swept away, with his 
horse, and drowned. About noon, on the following day, the 
troops reached an hacienda, on the opposite bank of the river, 
about five leagues down the stream, where a halt was made for 
the day. From this place, a party was despatched to bring in 
a herd of seven hundred horses, which had been collected, in 
the vicinity of this place, for the use of the enemy's troops. 
The horses were driven in : they were a most important ac- 
quisition to Mina, while their loss was severely felt by the 
enemy. The following afternoon, Mina continued his pro- 



96 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

gress, having mounted his troops on the best of the horses, 
the remainder being driven in the rear of the division. But, 
a few nights afterwards, nearly the whole of these animals 
were lost, while the division was ascending, in great darkness, 
a thickly wooded mountain, by a very narrow and bad road. 
The general was now advancing upon the town of El Valle de 
Mais. Mina's late movements had kept the royalists in a 
state of continual alarm. The enemy were at a loss to ascer- 
tain the point upon which they were directed ; and, as both 
Altamira and Tampico were in their turns threatened, the 
enemy were obliged to remain in these positions, to protect 
them. As soon, however, as he advanced from Horcasitas 
upon El Valle de Mais, a strong body of troops was put in 
motion to pursue him. To these, the capture of the cavallada 
(herd of horses) just mentioned, was a sore event. 

Just as the division was about to march, on the morning of 
the 8th of June, a peasant arrived, with the intelligence that 
the enemy from El Valle de Mais, about four hundred strong, 
all cavalry, had taken post some distance in advance of the 
town, and were determined to make a bold stand. 

This news raised the spirits of the little band, who continu- 
ed the march, anxious to come in contact with the enemy. It 
was soon perceived, from various articles of provisions scat- 
tered along the road, that the enemy had changed his resolu- 
tion, and had retreated : the track of wheels also denoted that 
he had cannon. It appeared, however, that he again deter- 
mined to make a stand ; for, about noon, the division came 
upon the enemy, whose force consisted of nearly two hundred 
cavalry, advantageously posted on an eminence on the high 
road, three leagues from El Valle de Mais. 

The satisfaction manifested by the division, convinced Mina 
that he could rely on their conduct ; and he immediately made 
dispositions for the attack. The infantry were dismounted ; 
and the best marksmen from the Guard of Honour, and regi- 
ment of the Union, were selected to act as light troops. These, 
fourteen in number, were directed to enter a thicket, on which 
the enemy's left rested, and to dislodge it ; while the main 
body remained firm, ready to act according to circumstances. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 97 

The light troops advanced to the thicket, and after giving a few 
well-directed fires, by which they killed five and wounded seve- 
ral others, they were astonished to see their antagonists fall back 
on their reserve. They were pursued by the same party, who 
again opened a fire on them, and the whole then retreated. The 
general, as soon as the enemy's troops gave way, ordered the 
main body to move on; and, when they finally retreated, Mina 
selected from the cavalry twenty of the best mounted, partly 
foreigners, and partly natives of Soto la Marina, and boldly 
pursued the enemy, nearly four hundred strong, all cavalry, 
through the town, aria a short way on the other side of it, 
when a part of them rallied* The general, at the head of his 
twenty men, dashed in among them ; they broke and fled. 
Mina pursued them upwards of two leagues, seized one gun, 
a small mountain piece, and put them entirely to the rout. 
He then returned^ and occupied the town. The enemy lost 
several men, and some prisoners were taken. Mina had one 
man severely wounded, but none killed. 

The personal intrepidity and skill displayed by the general 
on this occasion, produced in the minds of the division, not 
only devotion to him, but the most unbounded confidence in 
his abilities. 

El Valle de Mais is situated near the river Panuco, and not 
far from the town bearing that name, in the province of San 
Luis Potosi. It was by far the best town the division had yet 
seen. It has a large square, with extensive and well built 
edifices and some handsome churches. The houses generally 
have an air of neatness, and are well constructed. The divi- 
sion had almost despaired of seeing a town like this, from the 
gloomy appearance of the country it had hitherto traversed. 
The road had lain through the worst part of the Tierra 
Ca/iente, or hot region, which, from the paucity of inhabitants, 
the want of culture, and the scarcity of water, had induced 
many to form a mean opinion of Mexico. But, at the Valle 
de Mais, a brighter prospect was unfolded. The ascent into 
the Tierra Fria, or cold region, which extends over the vast 
mountain or table land composing eight-tenths of the Mexican 
(13) 



98 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

kingdom, had commenced. The population of the country 
was becoming more dense, good towns and fine haciendas now 
met the eye in various directions, and every hour gave a more 
agreeable climate. 

El Valle de Mais is a place of important trade. Its maga- 
zines were well stored with dry goods, and many of its inha- 
bitants were extremely wealthy. They had, generally speak- 
ing, precipitately decamped, under an impression that Mina's 
progress would be marked by sanguinary conduct. Their 
fears also were increased, in consequence of their having just 
celebrated, with great rejoicings, the victory which the Gazette 
of" Mexico had announced to have been gained by the royal 
fleet over Mina. Such, however, had been their hurry to 
escape, that they left to the mercy of their conqueror their 
valuable and well-furnished stores. Here Mina gave an un- 
equivocal proof of his politic and generous character. The 
strictest orders were given to the troops not to stain the cause 
they had espoused, by any act of plunder or personal violence 
towards the inhabitants. Only a few articles which were 
necessary for the troops, were taken from the stores ; and he 
received but a moderate sum of money from the town ; thus 
convincing the people, that he did not come to oppress or 
maltreat them. Some dry goods, captured during the march, 
were served out, and a few dollars each were given to the 
troops. 

On the evening of the 9th, the general received information 
that Arminan, commandant of a battalion of the European 
regiment of infantry of the line of Estremadura, was in pur- 
suit of him from Altamira, with about seven hundred infantry, 
and a strong body of cavalry, and was then two days' march 
in the rear. The receipt of this news caused neither surprise 
nor dismay among the troops. They were so elated by the 
victory recently gained, that, had the general proposed to 
march, and meet this formidable force, the troops would cheer- 
fully have obeyed the order. But the general was too pru- 
dent to seek combats with such a disparity of numbers. His 
great object was to form a junction with the patriot forces in 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 99 

the interior; and although he calculated on his troops behaving 
well, yet he was aware that every action against superior num- 
bers must reduce his own : it therefore became his invariable 
policv to avoid, instead of fighting, the enemy. He, however, 
called a council of his principal officers, to consult whether it 
was best to await the enemy in the same position, where the 
attack had been made the preceding day, or, by making forced 
marches, endeavour to join the patriots, before the enemy 
could get up. The council determined in favour of the latter 
movement, and, at dawn of the next morning, the division was 
on its march. 

The marches were now longer than heretofore ; the troops 
obtaining scarcely any rest or refreshment : but they were 
cheered by Mina's example. He appeared superior to fatigues 
or privations, and was constantly on the alert. 

On the 12th, at night, the division arrived and halted at a 
rancho. The next morning, a sufficiency of tortillas, with 
meat, was provided. A small detachment of cavalry was 
despatched to a neighbouring rancho, but was driven in by a 
superior number of the enemy's cavalry. It was also under- 
stood, that Armifian was uniting with a considerable body, 
called the Rio Verde cavalry, and was but a few leagues off. 
Mina thereupon caused the division to move forward; and as 
it became necessary to advance rapidly, time could not be 
spared to obtain provisions. On the night of the 14th, the 
division arrived at the hacienda called Peotillos. The ene- 
my, however, by making double marches, was close up, and 
took prisoner a soldier of the regiment of the Union, who, un- 
able to proceed, lagged in the rear. 

On arriving at the hacienda, worn down by hunger and 
fatigue, the troops expected that something necessary for their 
refreshment would be obtained. But, to their great disap- 
pointment, they found that the Mayor Do mo (overseer) had 
run away, and had taken with him all the Indians, so that no 
cattle could be procured. In the tired state of the troops, 
sleep was even more grateful to them than provisions, and 
they consoled themselves with the expectation of a good meal 



100 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the next morning. Accordingly, early in the morning of the 
15th, the poultry and pigs of the hacienda were laid under 
requisition, and the troops were animated with the prospect of 
a good breakfast ; but at eight A. M. while it was cooking, 
advice was brought, that the advance guard of the enemy was 
within two miles of the hacienda ; the troops were called to 
arms, and marched to a small eminence adjoining the hacienda, 
whence there was an extensive view of the plain. 

The hacienda de Peotillos is the property of a convent in 
Mexico. It is valuable, and the buildings are extensive and 
handsome, situated at the foot of a range of hills running north 
and south, fifteen leagues north-west from the city of San Luis 
Potosi. East of the hacienda extends a large plain, bounded 
on that side also by hills. The plain, in many places, was 
planted with corn, but was much overrun with bushes, about 
ten feet high. The advance of the enemy had formed on the 
edge of one of these thickets, with a clear space of ground in its 
front, and near it was a corn field, strongly fenced in. 

From the eminence, to which the division was marched, 
Mina reconnoitred the enemy. He saw that an action was 
now inevitable. To retreat in the presence of such a force, 
in the fatigued state of his infantry, and with the broken down 
horses of the cavalry, was destruction ; and, to defend the 
hacienda, could only eventuate in the extermination of his 
little band. He therefore determined to strike a blow, trust- 
ing that it might be attended by some fortunate results. Hav- 
ing fixed upon his plan, he rode up to his troops, and stated 
to them, that the body of cavalry then in view, consisted of 
about four hundred men; that the, cloud of dust rising some 
distance in the rear, was caused by the main body ; but, he 
thought, that before it could get up, there might be time enough 
to defeat the advanced guard. The general concluded by 
asking them, if they were willing to march down to the plain 
and attack the enemy. The division had learnt to despise the 
enemy's cavalry, and from the knowledge they had acquired 
of their undisciplined state, and the great confidence they re-, 
posed in Mina, would cheerfully have engaged any number 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 101 

of them. With three cheers, they, therefore, answered the 
general, that they would follow wherever he chose to lead 
them. He, thereupon, selected from the division, the Guard 
of Honour, the regiment of the Union, detachments from the 
cavalry and first regiment of the line, and the armed servants, 
composed of coloured boys, under the command of one of the 
general's servants, and marched to the conflict. His small 
band, including the general and staff, and a reenforcement of 
ten cavalry ordered up during the action, was one hundred and 
seventy-two. Of these, the Guard of Honour and regiment 
of the Union formed the line, and was commanded by colonel 
Young; a detachment from the Union, with that from the first 
regiment, and the armed servants, operated as skirmishers, 
and the cavalry covered the flanks. The residue of the di- 
vision remained in the hacienda, to protect the stores, of which 
colonel Noboa was left in command. 

Immediately on the arrival of the division at the cleared 
ground, the enemy made a furious charge; but were received 
with firmness. A well-directed fire checked their ardour, and 
they fell back, leaving twenty-two dead. But, knowing the 
powerful support that was coming up, and being joined in the 
meantime by a reenforcement of cavalry, they were thereby 
stimulated to continue the contest. They played round, oc- 
casionally charging, and harassed the division in this manner, 
until the main body, composed of infantry, cavalry, and can- 
non, arrived. It got up under cover of the bushes before de- 
scribed, which had concealed its approach, until the first in- 
timation that the division had of its arrival was a tremendous 
fire from its line. Mina, on perceiving the overwhelming 
force, made a disposition to retire upon the hacienda, in order 
to re-unite his forces. But the enemy, encouraged by this 
movement, advanced, beating the charge and maintaining a 
heavy fire, by which several of the little band fell. The gene- 
ral, finding it would be impracticable to draw off his troops, 
halted them, and made some necessary movements. The 
enemy, thereupon, took up a position, with their left resting 
on the fence of the corn fields, and their right flanked by a 
?:loud of cavalry. The division now saw the immense supe- 



102 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

riority of the force they had to contend with, and destruction 
appeared inevitable. But the serenity and courage of their < 
leader filled the men with enthusiasm, and increased the reso- 
lution they had formed to sell their lives as dearly as possible. 

The infantry had been supplied with buck shot, and many 
of the men loaded with eighteen in addition to the ball. They 
committed havoc among the enemy. But the constant fire of 
the royalists considerably thinned the ranks of Mina's infantry, 
and his cavalry sustained some sharp conflicts, and suffered 
severely. 

At length the enemy's cavalry were observed coming up in 
the rear, and lancing the unfortunate wounded ; several of 
whom had still sufficient strength remaining to fire a musket, 
and continued, as they lay on the ground, to give battle till 
they were pierced with wounds. At this juncture the order 
was given to charge, and the line advanced with cool determi- 
nation. The enemy evinced a strong disposition to withstand 
it, and remained firm till Mina's infantry were within a few 
paces. This was the critical moment which was to decide the 
fate of the division. Mina's infantry, animated by their reso- 
lution to conquer or die, gave three cheers, and, pouring into 
the enemy a destructive volley of buck shot, rushed upon 
them ; they broke ; and, throwing away their arms, fled with 
such precipitation, that only a very few were bayoneted. 
The cavalry, viewing with astonishment the fate of the infan- 
try, partook of the terror. They dispersed, and fled in every 
direction. The general was unable to follow up his success, 
as the horses of the detachment from the cavalry, with him, 
were completely worn down. He, however, pursued the fu- 
gitives a short distance. Had colonel Noboa been animated 
with the gallantry of major Maylefer, who commanded the 
cavalry in the hacienda, not one of the enemy's infantry would 
have escaped. The major, anxious to signalize himself, re- 
peatedly requested colonel Noboa to allow him to share in 
the glory of the day, and to reenforce the general with the 
cavalry ; but, for some reason or other, he would not allow 
him, and thus the enemy's infantry escaped annihilation. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 103 

It was supposed, that the enemy, after flying a reasonable 
distance, and not finding themselves pursued, would rally, 
and then return to the attack. The division was, in conse- 
quence, ordered to the hacienda, where it arrived, after having 
been warmly engaged three hours and a half. The troops 
returned in high spirits, each man feeling conscious of having 
not only done his duty, but that he had escaped the destruc- 
tion which, a few hours before, appeared to await him. Never 
was any man welcomed with more heart-felt congratulations, 
than those which Mina received from his troops. They rent 
the air with their cheers, and even the wounded seemed almost 
insensible to suffering, amidst the general joy. 

The first impulse of the little band, on being dismissed, was 
to fly to the meal which had been left in cooking: but, to their 
keen mortification, they found, that the cooks, feeling as was 
natural, more interest in the fate of the battle, than in dressing 
the provisions, had deserted their trust. In their absence, 
the dogs of the hacienda had upset the pots, and had regaled 
themselves at the expense of the famished soldiers. Other 
provisions were speedily procured for cooking ; but, in the 
meantime, an alarm was given, which, however, turned out to 
be unfounded. 

Immediately on reaching the hacienda, the attention of the 
general was directed to the removal of the wounded from the 
field, and parties were sent out for that purpose, as well as to 
collect some of the fruits of the victory. Owing to the dis- 
tance of the scene of action from the hacienda, and the want 
of the necessary means of conveyance, this duty was not fin- 
ished till night had set in. Besides the wounded of the divi- 
sion, some of the enemy's were brought in also. From the 
same causes, only fifty stand of arms, one gun, three drums, 
some accoutrements, and eight mule loads of ammunition, were 
all that could be saved ; of the latter, the enemy blew up a 
considerable quantity when they fled. 

The return of the loss of the division was heavy, and a 
melancholy reduction from its strength. It was as follows : — 



104 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 





Officers. 




Rank 


• andjiie. 




-A- , 

killed. ittounded. 




.-A. .._J 


t 


r 
killed. 


■wounded. 


Staff, - - - - 


1 


1 








Guard of Honour, 


8 


7 








Cavalry, - - - 


2 


3 


9 


7 


Regiment of the Union, 








6 


7 


First Regiment, - - 








4 





Armed servants, - - 











1 




11 


11 


19 


15 



Total killed and wounded, - - - - 56 

' Among the killed was Don Lazaro Goiii, a native of Na- 
varre : the general was much attached to him. He was be- 
loved by the army, and had gallantly distinguished himself. 

On the body of a lieutenant colonel, killed in the action, was 
found the order of the day, which showed that the force ac- 
tually engaged was six hundred and eighty infantry of the 
European regiments of Estremadura and America, and eleven 
hundred of the Rio Verde and Sierra Gorda cavalry ; and that 
the rear guard consisted of three hundred men. This was 
subsequently corroborated by official documents, published at 
Mexico : so that Mina, with one hundred and seventy fa- 
tigued infantry, and badly mounted cavalry, defeated, in a 
plain, without even the advantage of a good position, upwards 
of seventeen hundred men. The royalist soldiers, who fled 
from the field of battle, returned to their homes, and, in vin- 
dication of their own conduct, exaggerated the numbers and 
intrepidity of Mina's troops, who, they said, were not men, but 
devils ; and portrayed in melancholy colours, the dreadful 
execution committed by their fire. The general's fame thus 
spread in every direction, and paralyzed the enemy. 

The action of Peotillos is yet mentioned with shame and 
mortification by the royalists. It was blazoned through the 
kingdom, and particularly in the central provinces, where it is 
known to all ranks of people. It will long live in the recol- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 105 

lection of the Mexicans ; and perhaps the day is not distant, 
when the Mexican people will offer to the memory of Mina, 
those honours due to the hero of Peotillos. This, and other 
actions and circumstances, have created in their minds a strong 
predilection, and great respect for foreigners : a circumstance 
which would be attended by the most astonishing results, 
should a body of them ever invade the kingdom in the cause 
of its emancipation. If Mina, after this action, had had with 
him one thousand, instead of a hundred and fifty foreigners, 
he might have marched direct upon the capital of Mexico, 
and the royalist troops, instead of opposing him, would have 
flocked to his banners. 

The battle of Peotillos incontestably proves the quality and 
character of the royalist troops, and shows what a few deter- 
mined foreigners can achieve against them at the point of the 
bayonet. This is not the only action which can be adduced 
in support of this assertion. That of colonel Perry, near Soto 
la Marina, and that of El Valle de Mais, already noticed, 
and those of Pinos and San Juan de los Llanos, yet to be 
mentioned, were all gained over a superiority of numbers ; 
and it will be seen in the sequel, that Mina's division was cut 
up by the enormous force of five thousand men, whose efforts 
even then would have been unavailing, if their success had 
depended entirely upon their personal prowess. If these are 
not sufficient proofs of the awful fall of the Spaniards from their 
once lofty elevation in the records of military fame, let the 
reader revert to the history of their struggle against the em- 
peror Napoleon, and there he will find, that in the central pro- 
vinces of Spain, the French, with one third their numbers, 
gained victories, and drove them from point to point, even af- 
ter their armies were organized and disciplined. 

The sanguinary style in which the order of the day, found 
as'before mentioned, was couched, roused the indignation of 
the division against its author. It expressly forbade quarter, 
and so sure was Arminan of the victory, which his great 
superiority of numbers was well calculated to inspire, that he 
exulted in having at length got the traitor Mina and his rabble 
(gavilla) into his power, not one of whom, the order said, 
(14) 



106 MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 

should escape. It modestly pointed out the description of 
the plunder which was to belong to the king, and that which 
was to be distributed among his troop9, whom it strictly en- 
joined not to stop the work of extermination to plunder, but, 
that after the slaughter was finished, a division of the spoils 
should be made. The great disposer of human events had 
ordained, that matters should not correspond with the savage 
principles and predictions of colonel Arminan. On the con- 
trary, he received a merited punishment for his intended cruel- 
ties, by having his host put to flight by one tenth of its num- 
bers. Arminan with his staff, fled several leagues from the 
field of battle, before he deemed it safe to halt. His despatch 
to the Commander of San Luis Potosi, was published in the 
Gazette of Mexico, and is a tolerably fair sample of all the 
royalist despatches, which have appeared in that paper, during 
the revolution. It is a composition of so much absurdity, and 
so palpably false, that the Spanish officers yet treat it with 
merited ridicule, and never touch upon the subject but with 
disgust. It is very brief, and sets out with saying, that he 
had encountered a column of men determined to die killing ; 
he states, that his cavalry took fright at something, and ran 
over his infantry, -which threw them into disorder, but that he 
gained the battle, and that he only wanted two hundred more 
cavalry, which he requested might be sent him, to finish the 
total destruction ofMina. He concludes this singular despatch, 
by saying, " no hay mas papel," " I am out of paper" else, we 
presume, he would have communicated, for the information of 
the Mexican people, a few more falsehoods. 

During the action, a trumpeter was made prisoner by a 
major of the enemy's cavalry. The major immediately forced 
him to dismount, and then gave him his carabine to carry. 
The trumpeter soon ascertained that it was loaded, and when 
he found that the enemy's troops were in a state of confusion, 
he suddenly presented the carabine at the major, and peremp- 
torily ordered him to dismount; he did so, and the trumpeter 
jumping into the saddle, ordered the major to march before 
him, observing to him, " as you are obliged to walk, sir, I'll 
not trouble you to carry the gun." So much pleased was the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 107 

major with the manner in which he was treated, that although 
Mina gave him his liberty, he subsequently joined a division 
of the patriots. 

As the people of the hacienda had retired on the approach 
of the division, no emissary could be despatched, to obtain 
information of the enemy's situation. Mina knew, that igno- 
rance of his force could not have been the cause of his signal 
victory, for the enemy had various opportunities of ascertain- 
ing it to a man ; besides, they had taken one of the division 
prisoner, the preceding evening, from whom they had undoubt- 
edly gained every information. He therefore expected, that, 
feeling ashamed at having been beaten by so contemptible a 
number, they would make a desperate attempt to retrieve the 
disasters of Peotillos, and it was accordingly judged best to 
steal a march on the enemy. The division was, therefore, put 
in light marching order, and the superfluous baggage was de- 
stroyed, to make room for the conveyance of the arms and 
ammunition taken from the enemy. 

It has already been noticed, that some of the wounded of 
the enemy had been removed from the field, with those be- 
longing to the division. Their wounds were dressed, and the 
same sympathy was extended to them as to those of Mina. 
The surgeon reported, that four of the division were so dan- 
gerously wounded, that it was impossible to remove them, 
and with reluctance the general was obliged to leave them. 
He, however, left a letter for the royalist commander, begging 
that he would pay the same attention to them, as had been 
shown to his own wounded. The parting with these brave 
fellows was extremely painful. They shook the general and 
their companions cordially by the hand, and wished them suc- 
cess, while bidding them, as they conceived, an eternal adieu. 
We have great pleasure in recording the fact, ^vvhich we after- 
wards learned, that Mina's request was most scrupulously ful- 
filled; they were removed by order of the royalist commander, 
to San Luis Potosi, and were there treated in the most hu- 
mane manner, particularly by the inhabitants. 

Every thing being arranged, at two o'clock of the morning 
of the 16th, the division moved forward, and continued 



108 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

advancing till noon, when it arrived at a rancho. Here, intel- 
ligence was received of the complete defeat of the enemy ; 
and, as the fear of pursuit from that quarter was now at an 
*nd, the division took up its quarters for the night. As the 
rancho afforded every thing necessary for their refreshment, 
the troops fared sumptuously. 

The next morning, the march was resumed : but two offi- 
cers, from some motive which could not be developed, re- 
mained in the rancho ; they afterwards fell into the hands 
of the enemy. At sun-set, the division passed through the 
pueblo of Hideonda. Its priest ordered the bells to be rung, 
and gave other apparent demonstrations of joy, to celebrate, 
as he said, the result of the battle. He endeavoured to per- 
suade the general that he was warmly attached to the patriotic 
cause. But his conduct, it afterwards appeared, was guided 
by the most profound dissimulation ; his real object being to 
get rid of Mina, in the safest way possible ; and to obtain an 
exact account of his numbers. He afterwards boasted to the 
royalists, that he had counted Mina's troops as they remained 
formed in the square. 

It should not be inferred, however, from this instance of 
hypocrisy, that the clergy are averse, in general, to the cause 
of liberty, excepting that portion of them which first drew 
their breath in Spain. It is true, that the European priests, 
from interest and prejudice, have been, and ever will be, hos- 
tile to the independence of the New World; but the sweeping 
imputations which have been cast on the Spanish American 
clergy, are without the least foundation. To accuse the Cre- 
ole priests of a lack of amor patrice, and an attachment to the 
interests of the Spanish government, could only arise from a 
total ignorance of their real character and situation^ There is 
no part of the Mexican population which has more ample 
cause to desire, or in secret does more ardently pant after, a 
change of government, than its native clergy. The church 
preferments are regulated in an equally odious manner, with 
the civil and military. No" Creole, whatever claims he may 
have on the score of family, or however great his talents may 
be, can ever aspire to the mitre. The subordinate livings only 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 109 

are filled by Creoles ; rare indeed are the instances of native 
divines attaining to any situation beyond that of a cura (rector 
of a parish,) and even the most valuable of these livings are 
presented to old Spaniards. Inequality of fortune is here even 
more striking than among the civilians ; for no country pre- 
sents such contrasts of wealth and poverty, luxury and misery, 
as Mexico. While a large proportion of the curas suffer ex- 
treme poverty, (many depending for subsistence entirely on 
the charity of their parishioners) the canons and bishops, and 
even some of the curas, roll in affluence and luxury. The 
Creole, once placed in a curato, there lives and dies, unnotic- 
ed, — unregarded ; while he has the mortification to see daily 
arrivals from Spain of the refuse of the Spanish convents, who 
are destined to succeed to, and invariably monopolize, the 
clerical dignities and wealth. 

The Mexican clergy are far less numerous than is generally 
supposed. According to a late enlightened traveller, M. de 
Humboldt, the secular clergy and regulars who wear the cowl 
do not exceed ten, and, including the lower orders attached 
to the convents, fourteen, thousand; being about three for every 
thousand inhabitants. The kingdom is divided into one arch- 
bishopric and eight bishoprics. The revolution has materially 
reduced their incomes ; but, prior to that event, the dignitaries 
received the following immense annual revenues : — 

Archbishop of Mexico, jg 130,000 

Bishop of La Puebla, - 110,000 

Valladolid, - 100,000 

Guadalaxara, - 90,000 

Durango, - 35,000 . 

Monterey, - 30,000 

— ■ Yucatan, - 20,000 

Oaxaca, - - 18,000 

Sonora, - - 6,000 

The canons, from seven to nine thousand dollars, and the 
sub-canons, from two to four thousand dollars, each. 

The church revenue was derived principally from tithes. 
Its lands were in value about two and a half millions of dol- 



110 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

lars ; and it held mortgages to the immense amount of about 
forty millions of dollars. 

When it is considered, that these immense sums flow into 
the coffers of a comparatively few individuals, of whom by far 
the greater proportion are old Spaniards, to the exclusion of 
the natives of the country, can it be for a moment supposed, 
or is it consistent with human nature, that a class of men so 
degraded and so abused, should uphold, from sentiments of 
attachment to the Madre Patria, a government which thus 
oppresses them ? It is true, they have great power over their 
flocks, which they do not fail to exercise ; but, as that dreadful 
engine of despotism, the Inquisition, has hitherto hung over 
their heads, and the civil government possesses all the physical 
force, which is always called forth in its aid, they are awed 
into subjection, and fear alone compels them to act a part, at 
which they would otherwise spurn. Were the clergy proper- 
ly supported, they would soon convince the world that they 
are really patriots, and that the charges against them are foul 
aspersions. 

In taking a retrospective view of their conduct, we find that 
the plan to drive despotism from Mexico was laid by priests ; 
the father of the revolution (Hidalgo) was a priest. From 
the commencement, priests have held the first rank in the pa- 
triot armies : such were Morelos, Matamoros, and an infinite 
number of other distinguished members of the church. Those 
just mentioned, beside several hundreds of priests, have fallen 
victims, during the struggle for liberty; and thefe are yet 
many of the clergy, acting with the revolutionists, in the pro- 
vinces of Mexico, Guanaxuato, and Valladolid. 

The next day's march brought the division to a very exten- 
sive hacienda, called Espiritu Santo. Being on the frontiers 
of the provinces possessed by the patriots, and open to their 
incursions, the hacienda was fortified, and a garrison had been 
maintained at the owner's expense : but, not deeming it pru- 
dent to withstand an attack from the force which now ap- 
proached, they had retreated to San Luis, having the propri- 
etor, a European Spaniard, under their convoy. The majority 
of the male inhabitants had been compelled to depart; but the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. HI 

division was met, at the entrance of the hacienda, by a troop 
of females, bearing a picture of the Virgin, and chaunting 
hymns. Fearing the worst from victorious troops, and judg- 
ing what would be the conduct of Mina, by what they had 
experienced from others in the same situation, they adopted 
this method; hoping, by the intercession of their tutelar saint, 
to awaken the compassion of the conqueror, and to obtain that 
clemency which was seldom extended to them. Their fears 
soon subsided; and, to their very great surprise, the soldiers, 
instead of plundering them, as had been customary with the 
contending parties, paid for whatever they required. The 
division bivouaced without the hacienda, rations were pro- 
vided, and the next morning it moved forward. 

By a forced march, the division reached the Real de Pi?ios 7 
at sun-set. The term Real implies a place where mines are 
worked. This town is in .the intendancy of Zacatecas; is 
extensive and wealthy; and is located on an ascent, partly 
surrounded by hills, out of which the precious minerals are 
extracted. It was fortified ; being defended, on the hill side, 
by a very wide and deep trench, which was raked from breast- 
works built on the tops of the houses. On the side next the 
plain, the streets leading to the Plaza Mayor (principal square) 
were blocked up by a wall, calculated only to afford protection 
against musketry, constructed with loop-holes, and strength- 
ened by ditches. These would be unavailing against orga- 
nized troops, as the heights completely command the place 
within musket-shot. It had, however, been once invested by 
a body of fifteen hundred patriots, and had resisted their at- 
tacks. 

At the time Mina appeared before Pinos, it contained a 
garrison of three hundred men. He summoned the place to 
surrender, promising that respect should be paid to persons 
and property, and threatening the consequences that awaited 
its reduction by force. A refusal to this summons was re- 
turned; and Mina, thereupon, made preparations for storming 
the place. Soon after dark, parties were despatched to the 
different points of attack; and a smart skirmishing was main- 
tained on both sides, but without causing any loss to Mina. 



112 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

A little before midnight, a detachment of fifteen men from 
the Union was ordered up to reenforce a party of the first re- 
giment. At that point, the houses were low, and afforded a 
communication from their terraces with the Plaza Mayor, 
extending some distance into the rear of the enemy's works. 
The small party of fifteen men, anxious to distinguish them- 
selves, immediately mounted the terraces, and unobserved, 
as the night was dark, proceeded along them in silence. Ar- 
rived at the square, they lowered themselves down by their 
blankets ; where, by the light of the torches of the enemy, they 
saw the reserve under arms, with five pieces of artillery : they 
advanced upon them as long as they could do so unperceived, 
then gave their usual three cheers, and rushed on the enemy 
Avith the bayonet. They were completely surprised, and, 
each one seeking his own safety in flight, abandoned the place, 
without farther resistance. Thus Pinos was carried, with 
the loss of one man. As the place had refused to surrender 
on honourable terms, and as it was taken by storm, Mina, in 
conformity with the laws of war, gave it up to be plundered; 
but, at the same time, charged the troops not to commit any 
act of personal violence. Large sums in specie were found by 
the troops, many of whom obtained more treasure than they 
could find means to carry away. They amply supplied them- 
selves with clothing, which they much needed ; few leaving 
the place without a richly embroidered cloak thrown over the 
shoulders, worth from one to two hundred dollars, and many 
of them far more valuable. A considerable magazine of mili- 
tary stores was also found here. 

One of the soldiers of the Union regiment had entered a 
church, and was detected in the act of purloining the golden 
ornaments belonging to the altar. The general had always 
given the most positive orders to his troops, to respect all 
places dedicated to divine worship: and had declared his firm 
determination to punish with death whoever was found com- 
mitting an act of sacrilege. On a former occasion, at Soto la 
Marina, he had caused a Creole to be shot, for breaking into 
a church at Palo Alto. He therefore, on being informed of 
the circumstance, immediately directed the soldier to be taken 



i 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 113 

out to the front of the division, and there shot: — thus proving 
to the royalists, that the men whom they called heretics, and 
whom they had represented to the people as sacrilegious plun- 
derers, paid more respect to the sanctuaries of religion than 
themselves; for the royalist troops, throughout the revolution, 
have invariably polluted the churches, by using them as forti- 
fications, barracks, and stables, whenever it suited their pur- 
poses. They have, on several occasions, despoiled cathedrals 
and convents of mimense quantities of silver ornaments, and 
converted them into specie. It would not, therefore, be sur- 
prising, did the patriots follow this example : but to their 
honour be it said, that they are more scrupulous in these mat- 
ters than their enemies. In various parts of the province of 
Guanaxuato, were seen churches in ruins, which the inhabi- 
tants had razed to the ground, rather than that they should be 
applied to the purposes of fortifications. 

On the afternoon of the 19th, the general, after releasing on 
parole those who had fallen into his hands, evacuated Pinos, 
carrying with him a part of the trophies of his late victory, 
consisting of a stand of colours, four guns, several stand of 
arms, a large quantity of ammunition, clothing and accoutre- 
ments; but for the want of mules to remove them, fifteen 
cases of ammunition, two guns after being spiked, and several 
other articles, were thrown into a well. 

It was expected that the long-looked-for junction with 
the patriots of the interior, would be formed in a few days. 
The road now traversed one of those extensive arid plains, 
with which the intendancy of Zacatecas abounds. A number 
of ruined houses, and quantities of human bones scattered 
here and there, gave an air of desolation to the plain, and indi- 
cated that the country had suffered severely by revolutionary 
ravages. For three days, the division marched through this 
solitary plain; and, as every thing had been laid waste, nei- 
ther human being, nor beast, were visible. No provisions 
were to be procured : but, fortunately, the plains were covered 
with grass, which afforded the horses superabundant forage, 
and enabled them to go over much ground every day. 
(15) 



114 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

After dark, on the 22d, the guide became bewildered as to 
the right road, and the division halted. It had been three 
days with scarcely any nourishment; and as there was no 
prospect of immediate relief, their situation became unplea- 
sant. Early the next morning, an officer, with a small escort 
of cavalry, was ordered to advance, and seek for habitations. 
He had not proceeded far, when he fell in with a small party 
of patriots, who were reconnoitring. The detachment being 
well uniformed, and as the patriots had not heard any thing 
of Mina's approach, they supposed the division to be hos- 
tile, and commenced firing. It was with difficulty the offi- 
cer could bring them to a parley; which having accomplished, 
and remaining himself as a hostage, a few of the patriots came 
down to the division. The joy of the troops, at having at 
length, after surmounting so many obstacles, joined their al- 
lies, may readily be imagined. Every man, in his rejoicings, 
forgot his past sufferings, and contemplated with pleasure the 
field of glory which he supposed was in consequence about to 
be opened to him. The general immediately set off, to meet 
and pay his respects to the commandant of his allies, lieutenant 
colonel Don Christoval Naba; and, in the course of the fore- 
noon, the general with the lieutenant colonel, returned to the 
encampment. 

The grotesque figure of the colonel surprised the division. 
He wore a threadbare roundabout brown jacket, decorated with 
a quantity of tarnished silver lace; a red waistcoat; his shirt 
collar, fancifully cut and embroidered, was flying open, with 
a black silk handkerchief hanging loosely round his neck. He 
also wore a pair of loose, short, rusty, olive-coloured velve- 
teen breeches, also decorated with lace ; and round his legs 
were wrapped a pair of dressed deer-skins, tied under the knee 
by a garter. He had on a pair of country made shoes ; and 
on either heel was a tremendous iron spur, inlaid with silver, 
weighing near a pound each, with rowels four inches in dia- 
meter. On his head was placed a country made hat, with an 
eight inch brim, ornamented with a broad silver band, in the 
front of which was stuck a large picture of the Virgin of 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. H5 

Guadalupe, enclosed in a frame, and protected by a glass. He 
was mounted on a fine horse, and was armed with a brace of 
pistols, a Spanish Toledo, and an immensely long lance. His 
men were equipped much in the same style ; but were princi- 
pally clad and armed with the spoils taken from the enemy. 
Though these Mexican Cossacks were thus singularly and 
rudely equipped, they were robust looking fellows, accustomed 
to hardships and severe privations, and full of courage. 

The district, under the command of Don Christoval, was 
poor, which accounted for his appearance : but, in the rich 
districts, although the patriot officers are clothed in the same 
style that the colonel was, (which, by the by, is the dress of 
the Mexican peasantry, and is far from being unbecoming) 
yet they expend vast sums on their dress, and the equipage of 
their horses. Many of the troops are well uniformed, agree- 
ably to their taste. The officers are literally covered with gold 
and silver buttons, lace, and embroidery; and to protect them 
from the weather, they wear a cloak, called " mangas" richly 
adorned with gold lace. They mount superb horses, which 
are generally richly caparisoned : the headstalls of the bridles 
are covered with silver ; that part of the saddletree which 
shows itself, is mounted with silver ; and the saddle is richly 
and elegantly embroidered with gold and silver thread : many 
of the latter cost from one to three hundred dollars. Some 
of the commandants run into the extremes of extravagance, in 
respect to their appearance ; but the generality, except in the 
very poor districts, are richly and handsomely clothed. 

Mina learned from Don Christoval, that five leagues dis- 
tant was a national rancho, and that four leagues farther was 
the national fort called Sombrero. This was cheering intelli- 
gence; and in high spirits the troops resumed the march. 

After dark, on the preceding evening, lieutenant Porter was 
unfortunately lost. In the morning, he was made prisoner by 
the royalists, and sent to the town of Lagos. 

While the division was ascending the heights of Ybarra, a 
strong body of the enemy were seen in the plain below. Their 
appearance was as unexpected as unwelcome, to the exhausted 



116 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

troops. As Mina expected they would bring him to action, 
he took the necessary measures to act on the defensive ; and 
there is little doubt, that, had the enemy attacked him, his 
troops, flushed as they were with recent victory, and elated 
by being so near their allies, would have given him a warm 
reception. But for reasons inexplicable by the division, the 
enemy declined a combat, and allowed Mina to reach the ran- 
cho unmolested. There the troops found plenty of meat pro- 
vided by their friends, which constituted a rich repast to men 
who had fasted for four days. 

The enemy were encamped in a ruined hacienda, only two 
leagues distant from the division, and the next morning pro- 
ceeded to the Villa de Leon. They consisted of the" battalion 
of the European regiment of Navarre, and cavalry, seven 
hundred strong, under the command of Don Francisco de Or- 
rantia, who, it appeared, had been ordered, after the defeat at 
Peotillos, from the city of ^iieretaro, to prevent Mina's junc- 
tion with the patriots. The manner in which he obeyed his 
orders is here seen. Orrantia will become a conspicuous 
figure, in our subsequent pages ; and it will be perceived that 
his future conduct exactly corresponded with his behaviour in 
this instance. The true cause of his declining an action with 
Mina, may be attributed to the respectful awe he entertained 
for the general. 

Orrantia is one among the many Spaniards, sent to seek their 
fortunes in the colonies, without education or principle. It is by 
this class of Spaniards that the unfortunate Creoles have been 
so dreadfully oppressed, in every part of the New World. He 
soon became opulent; and was, and is yet, the owner of a large 
store, in the town of San Miguel el Grande, where he carries 
on a lucrative business. When the revolution broke out, he 
became a soldier; and his sanguinary enormities towards de- 
fenceless men, women, and children, recommended him to the 
then royal authorities, and he was promoted to the rank of 
colonel. 

The officer who had remained with Don Christoval Naba as a 
hostage, and was sent on to his commanding officer, Don Pedro 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 117 

Moreno, the commandant of Sombrero, after having exhibited 
his commission to Don Pedro, received from that commander 
an invitation for the general, welcoming him, and requesting 
that the division might be marched to the fort. At the same 
time, Don Pedro sent despatches to the patriot government, 
announcing the happy event, and the intelligence soon spread 
in every direction. 

The general, with the staff, early on the morning of the 24th, 
proceeded to the fort. The division moved on soon after, 
and arrived at noon at the patriot fortress, where they were 
received with the most cordial demonstrations of joy. The 
patriots viewed the division with astonishment, and could 
scarcely believe it possible that such a handful of men could 
have penetrated such a distance to the interior, and through a 
country occupied by the royalists in every part of the route. 

The division had been thirty days on the march, and had 
gone over a distance of tzvo hundred and twenty leagues. It 
was harassed a considerable distance by the enemy, from which 
cause, and from the nature of the marches, no regular supplies 
of provisions could be procured. Frequently two, sometimes 
three, and even four days had elapsed, without rations : and in 
no instance did the division, except in El Valle de Mais, pro- 
cure more than one meal a day, and that of meat only ; fighting, 
during these scenes of privation and fatigue, two severe battles, 
and taking one town. The troops bore up against hardships, 
with cheerfulness, by observing that their leader fared like 
themselves, and in the hour of danger was invariably at their 
head, cheering them on. 

The privations which the division suffered, did not arise 
from the want of means in that part of Mexico, to support an 
army, but from the circumstances of the general being obliged 
to seek the most unfrequented paths, and the constant and 
rapid marches which his situation obliged him to make, fre- 
quently not allowing him time to refresh his troops, except 
by a few hours sleep, which the troops generally preferred to 
employing the time in cooking. If Mina's force had been 
strong enough to have allowed him to advance by the high 



118 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

road, the division would have fared differently, for few coun- 
tries can afford more provisions for an army than Mexico, 
particularly in meat. A few leagues from the sea coast, where 
there is scarcely any population, bread is difficult to be obtain- 
ed, but soon afterwards, an army reaches a delightful country, 
tolerably well settled, enjoying a fine climate, and where, in 
the towns, wheat bread can always be procured. 

By looking over M. le Baron de Humboldt's chart, the only 
correct one extant, it will be seen that the distance by the 
king's high way (camino real,) from Soto la Marina to Som- 
brero, is not more than half the distance before mentioned, but 
Mina's peculiar situation obliged him to take circuitous routes, 
which can be seen by tracing the march on the maps. 

The following is the return made by colonel Noboa, of the 
strength of the division, on its arrival at Sombrero : — 

The general and staff, - 10 

Guard of Honour, - - 23 

Cavalry, 109 

Regiment of the Union, - 46 

First regiment of the line, - 59 

Artillerists, - 5 

Armed servants, 12 

Ordinanzas, . - - 5 



Total, 269 

Of these, twenty-five were wounded; and the loss, in killed, 
and those who were taken prisoners on the road, amounted to 
thirty-nine. When it is considered that the division marched 
through so great an extent of enemy's country, enduring se- 
vere privations and sufferings, for thirty days, it will appear 
almost incredible, that under such circumstances, besides 
fighting two battles and carrying by storm one town, the loss 
sustained should have been so trifling. It affords a criterion, 
which will enable the reader to judge of the skill and enter- 
prise of Mina, and of the good conduct of his officers and men. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 



119 



The following munitions of war were brought away, after 
the different affairs : — 





e 
o 

c 
c 

as 

o 


o5 
V 

M 

5 


5 
CO 


en 

<D 
O 


VI 

3 

c 
"o 
O 


so 

g 

p 


CO 

to • 

■-! "» 
X V 

■- M 

o 


as 

'5 


CO 


■-*. 5 
o C 

to 'P 

u - 
M 3 

o £ 


on 

S 


Action at 
El Valle de Mais. 

Action at 
Peotillos. 

Capture of 

SlERBA BE PlNOS. 


4 
1 

4 


8 
50 
38 


10 



20 


50 


50 




1 



3 
1 



18 

34 






60 






60 


3 
8 
7 





400 


Total 


9 


96 


30 


100 


1 


4 


52 


60 


60 


18 


400 



A much larger quantity would have been obtained, if time 
had allowed to collect them, or if mules could have been pro- 
cured to transport them ; for the want of the latter, in Pinos 
alone, fifteen boxes of ammunition, two guns, and other arti- 
cles, were thrown down a well. Trifling, however, as these 
trophies were, the impression they produced on the patriots 
rendered them of great importance. Not one of the patriot 
officers had ever heard of Mina, nor had either they or the 
soldiers ever seen a foreigner; consequently, they judged of 
the merits of the division by the battles won, and spoils brought 
into the fort. 

The downfal of the Spanish government in Mexico, was 
an event now viewed by the patriots as near at hand, and the 
whole country held by them, presented a scene of rejoicing. 

The government of Mexico, at no period since the com- 
mencement of the revolution, had been in a situation so criti- 
cal and embarrassing. It had calculated that the forces under 
Arredondo, Arminan and others, would have been sufficient 
to have annihilated Mina ; but when they learned that he had 
actually formed a junction with the patriots, they began to 
tremble for the consequences. They were conscious, that it 
would have been impossible for him to have penetrated so far 
into the interior of the country, with so inconsiderable a body 
of men, if the inhabitants had not secretly favoured his pro- 



120 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

gress ; and they were aware, from the results of the battles, 
that their own troops could not be relied upon for fidelity or 
valour. They were, besides, not ignorant of the fact, that 
Mina was well known and popular among the European troops 
then in Mexico ; and consequently that there was a risk of 
disaffection spreading among that class of the soldiery. These 
reflections and fears, on the part of the authorities in the city 
of Mexico, were well founded; and there is no doubt existing 
in the mind of the writer, that if Mina had found the patriots 
concentrated, and in such numbers as he had calculated on ; 
or, scattered as they were, had they embraced and zealously 
co-operated in his plans, he would have been enabled, not only 
to have resisted any force the royalists could have brought 
against him; but in all probability, to have conducted his en- 
terprise to a successful issue. This opinion will be strongly 
supported by the facts to be related in the sequel. 

The first objects of the general, on entering Sombrero, were 
to lay his services at the feet of the government, and to write 
to Padre Torres, a neighbouring chieftain, who bore the title 
of commander in chief. He also distributed his manifesto. 

The fort was commanded by Don Pedro Moreno, maris- 
cal de campo,* and had a garrison of about eighty infantry, 
and a few cavalry, tolerably well clothed and armed. Don 
Pedro had also under his orders, a body of about two hundred 
cavalry, commanded by Don Encarnacion Ortiz, who tra- 
versed the country in the vicinity of Sombrero. 

Fort Sombrero, called by the royalists Comanja, was situ- 
ated on the mountain of that name, about eighteen leagues 
north-west of the city of Guanaxuato, in that intendancy ; from 
Lagos, in the intendancy of. Guadalaxara, east-south-east, 
about five ; and from the Villa de Leon, north-east six leagues. 
It was a rudely fortified neck of land, about five hundred 
paces long, stretching north and south, and elevated above the 
plain of Leon, about one thousand feet. At the north end, 

* The Spanish grades, which are also observed by the patriots, are, from 
a colonelcy to brigadier ; brigadier to mariscal de campo ; thence to lieute- 
nant general, and finally to captain general. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 121 

there was a narrow ridge or causeway, skirted by precipices, 
which connected the neck of land which formed the fort, with 
a chain of hills ; one of which completely commanded it within 
long musket-shot. This alone rendered the fort untenable 
against any regular attack, but, as Moreno had successfully 
repulsed the royalists in one attempt made by them to enter it, 
he considered it as a very strong hold. On the east side, the 
fort was separated from the mountains by a very deep and 
wide barranca (ravine.) At the south end, the declivity of 
the hill was very steep : and on the west side was a bold de- 
scent to the plain. From the south end, at a less elevation 
than the fort, extended out into the plain two narrow ridges. 
Across the end of the causeway next to the fort, where it was 
about fifty paces wide, a miserably constructed wall had been 
run. It was flanked by two ill-planned one gun batteries, 
which raked the greatest part of the causeway, and the de- 
clivity of the hill in front; but could not annoy the ditch. 
This was the only regular entrance into the fort. In its rear 
was a conical hill, crowned by a work of one gun, which 
commanded the causeway. From the entrance, for some dis- 
tance along the fort, it was naturally defended by perpendicu- 
lar rocks and precipices ; and beyond them, at the south or 
lower end, as it was called, it was artificially strengthened by 
a low wall, built of loose stones, but its real defence at this 
place, which was bad enough, consisted in the steepness of 
the hill. Seventeen pieces of crooked, rough, and mishapen ar- 
tillery, from two to eight pounders, were mounted on various 
parts of the fort. The commandant's house, magazines, hos- 
pital, and the greater part of the soldiers' dwellings — barracks 
there were none — were built on the south side of the conical hill; 
some grass huts were also standing at the lower end, and cram- 
med in amongst the rocks in various parts of the fort. The 
greatest of all its defects was, the want of water, the garrison 
depending on a supply from a brook, (arro'ijo,) which ran 
through the bottom of the ravine, at a distance of nearly eight 
hundred paces from the fort. At the time the division enter- 
ed the fort, it did not contain a week's provisions, and in every 
(16) 



122 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

point of view it was badly calculated to resist any serious 
attack. 

Having conducted the general to the accomplishment of one 
of his most important objects, the formation of a junction with 
the patriots : we must, before we proceed with the narrative 
of Mina's exploits, resume the memoirs of the Mexican 
revolution, in order to show in a clear point of view, the then 
distracted and miserable state of the insurgents, and the in- 
surmountable obstacles the general had to contend with, from 
the gross ignorance, ambition, inactivity, and want of princi- 
ple, in many of their leaders at that epoch, which in fact, 
were the immediate causes of the failure of Mina's enterprise, 
and of the melancholy termination of his career. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. \23 



CHAPTER Y. 

Reflections on the state of the Revolution after the dispersion 
of the Congress — General Don Manuel Mier y Teran — His 
talent and enterprise — His fall — General Don Guadalupe 
Victoria — General Osourno — General Don Ignacio Rayon — 
General Don Jose Antonio Torres — Degraded state of the 
Patriots after he assumed the command-— Reflections thereon* 

WE have already mentioned the dissolution of the Mexi- 
can congress at Tehuacan by general Teran, and the disper- 
sion of its members over the different revolted provinces. 
Although they subsequently made various attempts to re-es- 
tablish themselves, yet they never succeeded in forming any 
civil government, meriting that name. The different milita- 
ry commandants were thus uncontrouled by any civil authori- 
ty ; and hence arose a long and fatal train of disasters to the 
patriot cause, terminating as might be expected, in a scene 
of anarchy among themselves, and of triumph to the royalists. 

The patriot chiefs who gave the royalists most uneasiness 
and trouble, after the breaking up of the Mexican congress, 
were Teran, in the district of Tehuacan; Victoria, in the pro- 
vince of Vera Cruz ; Osourno, in the district of Papantla, in 
the province of Mexico ; and Rayon, at the fort of Copero, in 
the province of Valladolid. There were other chiefs, whose 
names and operations we shall have occasion to notice ; but on 
the conduct of the four chiefs just mentioned, during the year 
1816 and the beginning of 1817, rested the fate of the Mexi- 
can revolution. 

If those four individuals had discarded from their breasts 
the ambition and jealousy, which unfortunately had become 
the ruling passions M'ith each of them, then would the patriot 
cause have triumphed ; because the concentration of their 
forces, and a cordial co-operation in one grand system of ac- 
tion, would have enabled them to contend with any army that 
the royalists could at that time have i-aised. 



124 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Teran had under his command at least fifteen hundred men, 
tolerably well armed and disciplined; Victoria, about the same 
number, well equipped ; Osourno, about two thousand, prin- 
cipally cavalry, the finest in the kingdom ; Rayon and his 
brother had about eighteen hundred, in tolerable discipline. 
There were, besides, in the mountains of Misteca, under the 
valiant chief Guerrero, at least one thousand good cavalry. 

The three first named chiefs were within twenty leagues of 
each other, and could at any time have formed a junction in 
three days. Rayon, who was at the greatest distance, could 
have united his forces with the patriots in the Baxio, or great 
plains of Guanaxuato ; and menacing Mexico on that side, 
while the forces under Teran, Victoria and Osourno approach- 
ed the capital on the other, the royalists would have been 
placed in a situation more alarming, than any which had oc- 
curred since the beginning of the revolution. The plan just 
mentioned, was the favourite object of Teran, who spared no 
exertions to effect it. The writer has perused the correspon- 
dence between Teran, and the other chiefs, and he does not 
hesitate to aver, that nothing but the fatal jealousy which they 
entertained against Teran, was the cause of the junction in 
question not taking place. 

In order to evince the precarious situation of the royalists 
at that time, we have only to recount the great difficulties 
they experienced in subduing the patriot chiefs, notwithstand- 
ing all the disadvantages under which the latter were suffer- 
ing from want of arms, and concert in their operations. 

General Don Manuel Mier y Teran was a youth of only 
twenty years of age. He had received the best education 
which the city of Mexico could give him; was allied to a dis- 
tinguished family ; was modest in his demeanour ; of tempe- 
rate habits ; an ardent advocate for the emancipation of his 
country; generous and brave, with a mind possessing extraor- 
dinary strength. 

This youth, with a force which at no time exceeded fifteen 
hundred men, held the city and district of Tehuacan, in the 
very centre of the Mexican kingdom, bidding defiance to the 



MEXICAN BEVOLUTION. 125 

royal armies, and repelling their attacks for more than two 
years. 

He built a fort on a high mountain in the vicinity of the 
city of Tehuacan, and there established his arsenal, a cannon 
foundery, and a manufactory of powder. Whenever he was 
pressed by a greatly superior royal army, he retired to his 
fort, called Cerro Colorado, and baffled all their exertions to 
dislodge him. 

He was particularly attentive in establishing discipline 
among his troops, and almost daily performed in person the 
duties of a drill officer. There were no troops during the 
revolution, of whom the royalists stood so much in awe, as 
those of Teran's division. Such was their devotion to him, 
that he could lead them to combat against far superior num- 
bers ; and when he did not gain the victory, he conducted his 
retreat with so much skill, as to prevent the royalists from 
ever causing him much loss. 

The city of Tehuacan being situated in the heart of a beauti- 
ful wheat country, of course Teran had abundance of provi- 
sions. The district is thickly-populated, and he could at any 
time have easily embodied ten thousand men, could he have 
procured arms for them. The few muskets among his troops 
were daily diminishing, and in the early part of 1816, he fore- 
saw, that it would be impossible for him to keep his position 
much longer, unless he could obtain a fresh supply of arms. 
Many a time has the writer heard him exclaim, while his fine 
black eyes glistened with tears ; " Ah ! if I had but six thou- 
sand muskets, and three thousand cavalry sxvords to arm the 
brave youths that are daily flocking to my standard, I -would. 
establish my countn/s independence, even xvithout the aid of 
those patriot chiefs, xvho are now refusing to act in concert 
-with meT So great was his anxiety to obtain muskets, that 
he solicited Victoria and Osourno, to co-operate with him in 
a plan to seize Tampico, or some port to the northward of 
Vera Cruz, for the purpose of opening a trade with the United 
States. But his overtures being sullenly rejected, he boldlv 
determined to proceed through the province of Oaxaca, pene- 
trate to the southward of the province of Vera Cruz, and seize 



126 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

on the port of Guasacualco. It is difficult to convey to the 
reader, a proper idea of the obstacles which Teran had to 
surmount in this enterprise ; but it is certain, that the great 
object he had in view, justified his making the attempt, and 
it is likewise certain, that his not succeeding in that extraor- 
dinary and important project, was owing to accidental circum- 
stances, and not to the valour of his enemies. Having formed 
this determination, he departed in the month of July, 1816, 
from Tehuacan. His force consisted of two hundred and forty 
infantry, sixty cavalry and two pieces of artillery, with twen- 
ty boxes of ammunition. He was well aware, that he had to pass 
through an enemy's country, thickly populated, and that the 
royalists might bring fifteen hundred or two thousand men to 
act against him ; but he was in hopes, that by making a rapid 
inarch, he should in ten or twelve days reach his place of des- 
tination, before the enemy could have time to concentrate their 
forces, or to penetrate his designs. 

He had likewise reason to believe, that the great body of the 
Indian and Creole population of the province of Oaxaca would 
rise up in his favour, or, at all events would throw no obsta- 
cle in his way. He knew that if he once reached Guasacualco, 
-he could take it with ease ; and by strengthening its fortifica- 
tions, he presumed it would be difficult for the enemy after- 
wards to dislodge him from his position. He had received 
unequivocal information, that the inhabitants in the vicinity of 
Guasacualco and Tabasco were ready to join him. He knew 
that the people of Tehuantepec, on the Pacific Ocean, were 
ripe for revolt against the Spanish government, and as the 
distance across the country from Guasacualco to Tehuantepec, 
was only about forty leagues, he would, by occupying those 
places, have two important sea ports ; one on the Mexican 
Gulf and the other on the Pacific Ocean. It was his intention, 
in case he succeeded in taking Guasacualco, to have immediate- 
lv withdrawn his whole force from Tehuacan, and established 
his head-quarters either on the coast of the gulf, or at Tehu- 
antepec. It therefore appears, that notwithstanding his friends 
and enemies considered his project, at that time, Quixotic and 
impracticable, yet, when it is examined with deliberation and 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 127 

an unprejudiced eye, it was not merely a plan dictated by 
necessity, but the wisest under all circumstances, that Teran 
could have adopted in favour of his country. 

The only error of which this enterprising youth can be just- 
ly accused, in relation to that expedition is, that he started 
from Tehuacan in the month of July instead of June. 

The rainy season usually commences in the beginning of 
July in Oaxaca; in a few days the rivers swell; and the great 
plain along the sea coast of the province of Vera Cruz, to 
upwards of one hundred miles from the ocean, becomes abso- 
lutely impassable for an army. Teran was not ignorant of this 
fact ; but when some of his friends told him it was too late in 
the season to make the attempt, he replied ; " that he had 
known some years when the rains did not set in until the mid- 
dle of August; that at that moment the whole country was per- 
fectly dry ; that he only wanted ten days more of dry weather 
to reach his intended point ; that he was in hopes the God of 
nature would not defeat his project; that if it was delayed, he 
could not put it into execution until the next year; and finally^ 
that if he did not succeed, he calculated on being able to re- 
turn to Tehuacan, before the enemy could take measures to 
cut off his retreat." 

In fact, so determined was he on making the experiment, 
that all the arguments used to dissuade him from it, were un- 
availing, and accordingly, he left Tehuacan, with the force 
before mentioned, about the 24th of July. 

He met with little opposition during the first five days of his 
march. He took the towns of Soyaltepec, Iscatlan, Oxitlan, 
and several other places of considerable importance, some of 
them containing a population of from five to seven thousand 
Indians. They received him in the most cordial manner, and 
hoisted the flag of the Mexican republic wherever he appeared. 
The different skirmishes he had with some divisions of royal 
troops, convinced him that he had little to fear from their 
opposition. He proceeded without interruption to a place 
called Tustepec, about half way to the place of his destination. 
His progress was there impeded by a violent rain, which con- 



128 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

tinued without any intermission (except for about two hours 
each morning) for ten days. Not only was the whole coun- 
try between Tustepec and Guasacualco inundated, but the 
greater part of the route he had marched was likewise over- 
flown ; so that even a retreat back to Tehuacan was not 
practicable at that time. Thus hemmed in at Tustepec, he 
had to depend on the good offices of the Indians, for provisions 
for his army. In this he was not disappointed. They gave 
him every evidence of their fidelity to the patriot cause, and 
of their hatred to the royalists. They sent out spies to dis- 
cover the movements of the enemy, who soon gave Teran 
information, from the cities of Oaxaca and Vera Cruz, which 
convinced him that his designs were now known to the royal- 
ists, and also that they were making formidable preparations, 
as well to impede his progress to Guasacualco, as to cut off 
his return to Tehuacan. Teran was not dismayed by this in- 
telligence, and only regretted that the incessant rains prevented 
him from moving either to the right or left. 

Some intelligent Indians at Tustepec informed him, that if 
he could reach a place called Amistan, about eight leagues 
distant, he would then get into a road upon which it was prac- 
ticable to proceed towards Guasacualco, even during the rainy 
season; but that, to get to Amistan at that time, it was neces- 
sary to cut a new road. No sooner did Teran receive this 
suggestion, than he called together the governor and principal 
Indians of Tustepec, requesting their advice touching the open- 
ing of this new road. They represented it as being a difficult 
task, but offered to afford him all their aid to accomplish it. 
Accordingly, two hundred men of Teran's division, with all 
the able-bodied Indians of Tustepec, began the undertaking. 
They completed, in ten days, a road, leading through swamps, 
which the royalists afterwards acknowledged to be a work that 
appeared to them impossible to have been executed in less 
than six months. Teran superintended the whole of the ope- 
rations ; and his indefatigable exertions, united with his inge- 
nuity, excited the admiration of his soldiers, as well as of the 
Indians. Causeways and floating bridges w T ere thrown over 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION: 129 

places which had before been considered as entirely impassa- 
ble; proving what men can accomplish, when urged by neces- 
sity, and stimulated by an enterprising leader. 

On the 5th of September, he reached Amistan, with his 
whole force. He there learned that the royalists were prepar- 
ing to attack him; and were actually advancing, with a pow- 
erful force, towards Tustepec, under an impression that it was 
impossible for him to have proceeded any further on his route 
to Guasacualco. Five leagues from Amistan was a royalist 
post, called Playa Vicente., situated on a river. At this post 
there was a valuable deposit of cochineal and dry goods, be- 
longing to the merchants of Vera Cruz and Oaxaca, which 
Teran immediately resolved to seize upon. On the 6th, 
he reconnoitred the place, and ascertained that the enemy 
had a force there of about one hundred men. On the 7th, 
he advanced with the division to the bank of the river, 
immediately opposite to Playa Vicente. On the 8th, in the 
morning, a canoe came from the opposite side, with two In- 
dians, who informed Teran that the royalists had, the preced- 
ing night, precipitately abandoned the village. To ascertain 
the truth of their report, Teran kept one of the Indians as a 
hostage, and sent the other, with two of his own soldiers^ 
across the river in the canoe. On their return, they confirmed 
the intelligence. Some of Teran's officers then volunteered to 
pass the river, which he imprudently permitted. They came 
back with such flattering accounts of the immense quantity of 
dry goods and cochineal, which they had seen in the stores, 
that the whole division were eager to gain possession of the 
place. As there was but one small canoe, Teran ordered rafts 
to be made, to transport the whole of his force across, in the 
evening, or the next morning. 

In the meantime, the canoe had taken over about twenty 
men ; when Teran, fearing that they might commit some ex- 
cesses among the inhabitants, or indulge too freely in the 
wines and brandies which were in the stores, crossed the river, 
and joined them himself, with three of his officers. He was 
making the necessary dispositions in the village, by posting 
sentinels at the doors of the warehouses, and endeavouring to 

(1*) 



130 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

gain the good will of the inhabitants, when suddenly an Indian, 
running into the place, gave the alarm that the Gachupins were 
upon them. Teran was in hopes that it might prove a false 
alarm ; but, with great presence of mind, ordered his men, 
who consisted of twenty-three officers and soldiers, to form, 
and follow him. They proceeded to that part of the village 
upon which the royalists were said to be approaching, and 
there beheld a body of cavalry and infantry descending a hill, 
within two hundred yards of them. 

Teran, at that moment, might have fled to the river; and 
such of his men as could swim, might have saved themselves. 
But whether he supposed that the enemy's force was less than 
it proved to be, or thought that by a display of firmness he 
should be able to check them until he could receive a reen- 
forcement from the other side of the river, are points upon 
which we can give no opinion. It is certain, however, that 
he took post in the rear of a small house, and there gallantly 
sustained the attack of the enemy. The royalists appeared 
several times disposed to retreat : but seeing that Teran re- 
ceived no reenforcenient, and observing at length that the 
main body was on the other side of the river, they made a bold 
effort, and broke into the little band. He and two others were 
so fortunate as to reach the river, and, amidst a shower of 
bullets, crossed it by swimming. All the rest of the party 
were bayoneted, or taken prisoners. 

On the 9th, Teran made his dispositions for transporting 
his force to the other side of the river, about two hundred 
paces below the village, with the determination to attack it, 
and take revenge for the serious misadventure he had met 
with. At five o'clock in the afternoon, he issued orders for 
the division to prepare for embarking on the rafts, his two 
field pieces being placed on the largest one, so as to cover its 
landing. When every thing was ready for the attack on Playa 
Vicente, it was suddenly suspended, by the unexpected intel- 
ligence brought by an Indian from Amistan, that the royalists 
were within two leagues of that place, and intended to force 
their march, so as to be able to reach Teran's encampment by 
day-light next morning, 






MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 131 

Teran at once perceived his critical situation, and knew that 
if he remained where he then was until the enemy came up, it 
would animate the royalists in Playa Vicente, and place him 
between two fires. As soon, therefore, as it was night, he 
broke up his encampment, and marched about three leagues, 
until he came to an excellent position for mounting his two 
field pieces. He had scarcely time to make preparations for 
battle, when the approach of a party of cavalry announced that 
the enemy were near. One of Teran's sentinels hailed them, 
at the same time discharging his musket. This was a circum- 
stance totally unexpected to them, as they had been positively 
assured by spies, that at the close of the preceding day, Te- 
ran was at the river : however, they conceived it prudent to 
halt until day-light. In the meantime, Teran was improving 
every minute. He knew that the enemy's force principally 
consisted of cavalry, and therefore threw obstacles in the road, 
by cutting down the trees, and filling the path with bushes ; 
behind which he placed troops, with the field pieces, in am- 
bush. We have understood from several royal officers, who 
subsequently examined the ground, and the arrangements 
which Teran had made, that it was scarcely credible so much 
could have been executed, in the short space of four hours, by 
a division of two hundred and seventy-five men. 

About half an hour before day-break, Teran visited each of 
his ambuscades, entreating his men not to fire precipitately, 
and to remain steady at the posts assigned them. He obliged 
each officer and soldier to promise him, that in no event would 
they become prisoners, but die or conquer. He did not con- 
ceal from them, that he was aware the enemy were far superior 
in numbers ; but declared that he felt confident of defeating 
them, if the republican division would only behave as they 
had frequently before done. No body of men, perhaps, ever 
had greater confidence in a chief, than this division reposed in 
Teran. They anticipated the victory they were about to gain, 
and the surprise and confusion which would be occasioned to 
the enemy, by the novel dispositions which Teran had made. 

At day-break, the royalists were discovered, at the distance 
of about half a mile. A stream of water lav between them and 



132 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Teran; and, although it was not more than twenty yards wide, 
yet it was deep, and difficult to pass, from the rapidity of the 
current. On approaching it, the royalists halted, and seemed 
cautious in their movements: but, after about an hour's delay, 
they crossed it. In the meantime, Teran, with about thirty 
men, had advanced to meet them, intending to feign a hasty 
retreat, and thereby to draw the enemy into the ambushes 
which had been laid. This stratagem succeeded : their cavalry 
pursued him, at full speed, into the ambuscade, until they 
reached the place where the two masked field pieces were sta- 
tioned. From these a destructive fire was commenced, which 
threw them into confusion, and compelled them to retire to- 
wards the rivulet. But it was now too late to retreat: they were 
entrapped; and, at a given signal, the parties in ambuscade 
opened their fire, charged, and in a few minutes completely 
routed the enemy. In attempting to pass the ford of the 
creek, the fugitives so crowded on each other, that many were 
drowned. Teran, promptly availing himself of these circum- 
stances, closely pursued the enemy for nearly a league on the 
other side of the creek, making a dreadful havoc among their 
infantry, as well as cavalry. In vain the officers of the royal- 
ists attempted to rally their men. The panic became general; 
every one endeavoured to save himself by flight. 

The result of this action was, on the part of the royalists, 
$ne hundred and twenty killed, a considerable number wound- 
ed, and sixty prisoners. Teran's loss was nine killed, and 
thirteen wounded. It appeared, from official documents found 
on the prisoners, that the royalist force consisted of six hun- 
dred cavalry, and five hundred and sixty -three infantry, com- 
manded by general To pete. They had been several weeks 
collecting this force, at Tlacotalpan and Alvarado, in the pro- 
vince of Vera Cruz ; but, in consequence of the heavy rains, 
were unable to meet with Teran at an earlier period. 

Teran obtained from the prisoners such information as com- 
pelled him, reluctantly, to abandon his project of proceeding 
to Guasacualco. He learned, that the commandant general of 
Oaxaca was collecting all the disposable force of the province, 
in order to pursue him ; that another formidable expedition 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 133 

was preparing, at Vera Cruz, for the same purpose ; and that 
two Spanish vessels of war had been sent to Guasacualco. As 
his original plan had been to seize the place by surprise, and 
this being now no longer practicable, he resolved op endea- 
vouring to get back to Tehuacan, as early as possible. This 
he effected, by masterly movements, eluding all the plans of 
the royalists to intercept him, and overcoming obstacles which 
his enemies had considered insurmountable at that season of 
the year. 

After his return to Tehuacan, he renewed his overtures for 
conciliation and co-operation with Victoria and Osourno; but 
neither the one nor the other would assent to his proposals. 

The viceroy Apodaca now bent all his energies to destroy 
these rival chiefs, first directing his attention to Teran. An 
army, composed of the flower of the royal forces, and consist- 
ing of about four thousand troops, was despatched to invest 
Tehuacan. 

Teran prepared for the attack, with his usual alacrity. He 
sent the women and children to fort Colorado, and remained 
in the city, hoping that he might be able to repel the enemy. 
He fortified the convent of San Francisco, and there awaited 
the attack. The royalists surrounded the convent, and cut off 
the communication with the fort of Colorado. The whole 
effective force of Teran, in the convent, did not exceed five 
hundred men ; but he had made such admirable preparations 
for defence, that the royalists did not venture to assault the 
place, contenting themselves by waiting the result of a formal 
siege, and cutting off all supplies of provisions. Teran, 
finding himself thus straitened, and his provisions and water 
being nearly exhausted, seeing no hopes of external relief, and 
at the same time not wishing to sacrifice uselessly the lives of 
his brave companions, at length accepted articles of capitula- 
tion, proposed to him by the royal commander. 

We regret that we have not "a copy of the terms of surren- 
der, because their liberal tenor would show the high respect 
entertained by the royalists for Teran. They granted him 
terms that had been invariably refused to all others of the re- 
volutionary chiefs. We likewise feel satisfaction in stating, 



134 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

that this capitulation was scrupulously and honourably fulfil- 
led, on the part of the royalist commander, and the viceroy. 

After the patriots had lost Tehuacan, the royalists found 
themselves in a condition to send a powerful force against 
Victoria and Osourno. 

Don Guadalupe Victoria at no time had under his com- . 
mand more than two thousand men ; but he was so well ac- 
quainted with the fastnesses of the province of Vera Cruz, 
that the royalists never could bring him to a general action. 
In vain they sent superior forces to attack him ; in vain they 
drove him from one position to another ; for, as fast as they 
destroyed part of his forces in one place, he recruited them in 
another. More than twenty times, the Mexican Gazette has 
published that Victoria was slain, and his party annihilated : 
but, a few days after those false and pompous accounts, we 
have heard of Victoria suddenly springing up, attacking and 
capturing convoys of merchandise, seizing some strongholds, 
and throwing the whole country into consternation. At the 
head of one hundred and fifty or two hundred cavalry, he per- 
formed some of the most daring exploits that were effected 
during the revolution ; and his personal courage and activity 
were universally acknowledged, even by his enemies. More 
than four-fifths of the population of Vera Cruz were in his fa- 
vour. Wherever he went, provisions were secretly or openly 
furnished him. Had he possessed muskets, there were from 
ten to fifteen thousand men ready to accept them, and join his 
standard. To the want of arms and munitions of war, and to 
no other cause, must be attributed his eventual failure. He 
obtained a few hundred muskets from New Orleans, during 
the time he possessed the ports of Boquilla de Piedra, and 
Nautla, on the coast of Vera Cruz ; but, after those places 
were retaken by the royalists, at the close of 1816, or begin- 
ning of 1817, he was totally cut off from all foreign supplies. 
The royalists have since proclaimed that he was slain, and his 
forces destroyed. Whether this be the fact or not, we cannot 
decide; but it is certain, that since the middle of the year 
1817, the patriots have not had a formidable party in the pro- 
vince of Vera Cruz. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 135 

The forces under Osourno were likewise, about the same 
time, destroyed or dispersed ; and he, as well as his principal 
officers, we learn, have accepted the royal pardon. Osourno, 
about the close of the year 1815, was a formidable foe to the 
royalists, as he had at least two thousand of the finest cavalry 
in the kingdom, and spread terror even to the gates of Mexico. 
He and his officers soon became too fond of their personal 
gratification, indulging in every species of luxury, and direct- 
ing all their exertions to the acquisition of plunder, and the 
spreading of devastation. One of his officers, of the name of 
Vicente Gomez, became celebrated for his cruelty, as. well as 
activity. This monster, under the pretext of retaliation, not 
only shot his prisoners, but frequently mutilated and tortured 
them. On one occasion, he boasted of having put to death 
some European Spaniards, without spilling a drop of their 
blood, — having caused them to be buried alive. So great was 
the terror that this wretch spread over the country, that the 
royalists tried every possible means to gain him over to their 
party. They at length succeeded, by offering him an equal 
rank in the royal service, with that which he held among the 
patriots; and there can be no doubt, that, by his activity and 
management, he contributed much to accelerate the fall of his 
former commander, Osourno. 

Don Ignacio Rayon, in the province, of Valladolid, at the 
important fort of Copero, had resisted, for eighteen months, 
all attempts of the royalists to dislodge him. He, as well as 
his two brothers, had acted a conspicuous part, since the com- 
mencement of the revolution. He was averse to the sangui- 
nary warfare that had been carried on, and was disgusted at 
the selfish conduct of the patriot chiefs. Although he was 
known to be a brave and able officer, warmly attached to the 
cause he had espoused, yet he frequently declared his resolu- 
tion to surrender to the royalists, if the patriots persisted in 
rejecting his advice, and his plans for forming a junction of 
their forces. He at length did capitulate, and the fort of Co- 
pero fell into the hands of the royalists. 

We cannot, for want of the proper documents, state with 
precision the dates when these several disasters occurred to 



136 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the patriots, under the command of Teran, Victoria, Osourno, 
and Rayon, further than that they took place during the years 
1816 and 1817. 

Subsequently to those events, the royalists gradually re- 
subjugated many of the revolted districts ; placing garrisons 
in every town and village, to awe the people into obedience to 
the royal authority. In this manner, they succeeded in form- 
ing a chain of fortifications from north to south, cutting off the 
communication between the patriots of the eastern and western 
provinces, who still roamed through the country in formidable 
bodies, but without co-operation among themselves. 

The direction of these revolutionary bodies, thenceforward, 
fell into the hands of the most illiterate of the Mexican popu- 
lation, men whose sole aim was power, that they might by its 
aid acquire wealth. Many of these men were, from common 
field labourers, raised to the rank of colonels and brigadiers. 
Their conduct became licentious and cruel in the extreme ; 
and, as several of them were daring and enterprising, they 
were equally dreaded by royalists and patriots. 

Men of education, principle, or talent, among the revolu- 
tionists, were no longer respected. Any attempts made by 
them to establish order, were decried as tending to despotism; 
while they were insulted, their property was taken from them, 
under the plea that the public service required it ; their lives 
were threatened; and they dared not even murmur against the 
decrees of their tyrannical oppressors. Thus, on the one side, 
terrified by the conduct of their own party, and, on the other, 
allured by the flattering offers of the royalists, they at length 
sought safety under the banners of Spain, where these sincere 
patriots now are, friends to liberty, but enemies to anarchy. 

The kind of leaders which we have just mentioned, had, 
nevertheless, extensive districts under their command, in the 
western provinces ; and each petty commandant of a pueblo, 
imitating the example of his chief, gave loose to his passions, 
studying only the means of his personal gratification. 

They had nominated to the supreme military command, a 
priest, named Don Jose Antonio Torres, who had been raised 
to the rank of mariscal de campo. In the early stages of his 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 137 

career, he gave some evidences of valour ; but he no sooner 
became possessed of power, than he displayed the character 
of a fiend. He was cruel, vindictive, and avaricious, sparing 
neither patriot nor royalist, to gratify his passions. He levied 
impositions, in the most arbitrary manner, upon every wealthy 
individual within the range of his command ; and continued 
to treat every Creole, from whom there was the slightest pro- 
bability of meeting opposition to his views^ with such indig- 
nity, that many of those remaining were reluctantly compelled 
to fly for protection to the royalists. On the most frivolous 
pretexts, he had put to death several persons whom he sus- 
pected, either of being hostile to his conduct, or as likely to 
become his rivals. Jealousy was the predominant feature in 
his character; nor did he regard what sacrifices he made, to 
rid himself of any man from whom he anticipated opposition. 
Notwithstanding his vicious propensities and base traits, yet 
he possessed the good quality of sincerely adhering to the 
cause of the republic. Towards the Spaniards, he entertained 
an unconquerable antipathy. The many overtures that were 
made to gain him over to the royal party, were treated by him 
with disdain ; and neither offers of rank nor money could in- 
duce him to waver in his determination. The following anec- 
dote will more clearly exhibit his enmity to the Gachupins ; 
and demonstrate, that when his patriotism was involved, even 
the ties of relationship were held of no account. 

On one occasion, there fell into the hands of the royalists 
two of his younger brothers. They were compelled to write 
to him, telling him, that their lives depended upon his em- 
bracing the royal cause; that, did he not do so, they would be 
shot. To this appeal, he returned the following answer: 
" The proposition of the royalists has served only to rouse 
my indignation. If the enemy do not shoot you, beware how 
you fall into my hands at any future period. In such event, 
that death, you have escaped from the royalists, will be re- 
ceived at my hands, for having dared to place your lives in 
competition with the interest of your country, and insinuating 
to me terms so dishonourable." 
(18) 



138 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Torres had under his command an immense extent of coun- 
try, which he parcelled out, like the feudal system of old, into 
districts or comandancias. It was a prominent feature of his 
policy to select for the government of these districts, men 
whose gross ignorance, he conceived, would render them sub- 
servient to his will, and proper subjects to promote his views 
of sole dominion. These commandants followed the example 
set them by Torres, directing their principal attention to per- 
sonal enjoyments. Without a government capable of enforcing 
obedience, they were uncontrouled in their proceedings, and 
acted according to their own pleasure in their respective coman- 
dancias. The revenues of the state they looked upon, not as 
belonging to the public, but as their individual property, and 
considered, they were conferring an obligation on the republic, 
when any of its resources were devoted to its service. The 
forces raised were such only as they thought proper, and were 
taught to look upon their commandants as masters, whose 
mandate alone they ought to obey. The peasantry were re- 
garded as vassals devoid of every privilege, upon whom they 
had a right to heap injuries, and the soldiery to make them a 
prey with impunity. Each commandant became a petty 
tyrant in his district ; the interests of the country were no 
longer viewed as primary objects, but were replaced by a de- 
votion to self-gratification; while the chief aim and end of 
exertion, was to preserve the good will of the saltan Torres. 
On his part, he was a proficient in the arts necessary to ingra- 
tiate himself into the good opinion of these men. He would 
gamble and drink with them ; would run races and fight game 
cocks, till the parties were stript of their money, in which sci- 
ence Torres was extremely dexterous. In short, as long as the 
commandants conformed to his instructions, he neither investi- 
gated nor cared, what was their conduct. It was therefore by 
no means extraordinary, that Torres, after being appointed 
commander in chief, maintained an absolute power; that his or- 
ders were implicitly and promptly obeyed. Had they emanated 
from a man celebrated for correct and upright conduct, more 
awe and reverence could not have been attached to them. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 139 

His head-quarters were fixed on the top of the mountain of 
Los Remedios, which he fortified, at the cost and ruin of 
many families round its base. There, surrounded by women 
and all the luxuries the country afforded, he became indolent 
and capricious, issuing the most arbitrary decrees, and like a 
demigod, from his lofty seat, smiled at the effects of his im- 
perious mandates upon the faithful Americans by whom he 
was upheld. When in the zenith of his glory, he was to be 
seen surrounded by sycophants and women, singing the most 
fulsome songs in his praise, while, extended on a bed, fanned 
by a delicate hand, he would listen with rapture to the grossest 
adulation, and indulge in loud bursts of laughter, arising from 
his heart-felt satisfaction : swelling and exulting with vain glo- 
ry, he would often exclaim, " To soy xefe de todo el mundo" — 
C I command the world. J Such was the character of the leader 
of the revolutionists in the western provinces. It may be 
asked, how could such a man be allowed to exercise power so 
arbitrary ? why did not the citizens hurl him from his seat on 
Los Remedios ? Bayonets, and the infatuation of the pea- 
santry, were his protection. Whilst he preserved the good 
will of the commandants, he had nothing to fear from a dis- 
armed people, whose veneration for him as a priest, covered 
all his crimes. The fear he had instilled into his dependants, 
was likewise another powerful auxiliary in the maintenance of 
his authority; for, on whomsoever his suspicion rested, either 
secretly or openly was put to death. 

To portray in all its hideous forms, the system of despotism 
and terror, which marked the annals of the power of Torres, is a 
task not congenial to the feelings nor easy to perform. One or 
two instances will be sufficient, out of the many which could be 
adduced, to elucidate his baseness. From his inactivity, the 
enemy were daily gaining ground, and were permitted, unmo- 
lested, to fortify themselves in almost every town and village 
in the Baxio. There however remained, El Valle de Santiago, 
Penjamo, and Puruandiro, three flourishing, wealthy, hand- 
some, and populous places, within a few leagues of each other. 
In order to check the progress of the royalists, he fancied that 
the most effectual and least dangerous method, was to raze 



140 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

these towns to the ground. Forgetting, or not reflecting, that 
every other place but those three, being held by the ene- 
my, the sacrifice of these towns could produce no possible be- 
nefit; and without considering for a moment, that the faith- 
ful Americans would suffer, without the possibility of any 
good resulting therefrom to the cause, he sent orders for the 
inhabitants to remove their effects in six hours, after which, 
each one was to destroy their own costly and elegant mansion. 
In every instance it was obeyed, though in some, its execution 
was attended with aggravating circumstances. The inhabi- 
tants of Puruandiro petitioned for an extension of time, to 
enable them to remove their property. This petition was re- 
fused, and before the expiration of three hours, Torres des- 
patched his soldiers, who, running up and down the streets 
with lighted torches, fired every building, with the exception 
of the churches. In Puruandiro, as well as the other places, 
families who were in easy, and many in affluent circumstances, 
were obliged to retire to little farms, and there live in indi- 
gence and misery. The towns of San Felipe, Uruapa and others, 
were treated in the same manner, and as a proof how futile 
and cruel were such measures, the enemy have since, and do at 
this moment, occupy every one of those places. 

The next circumstance we select, displays all the cruelty and 
savage ferocity of a barbarian. The people of the Baxio are 
noted, as being more attached to the revolution, than any other 
part of the Mexican empire. Aversion to, as well as fear of the 
royalists, caused the male inhabitants, who could do so, to 
abandon their houses, and fly to the mountains, whenever 
they made their appearance. Padre Torres directed his march 
with some troops to an ill-fated hacienda, called Guanimaro, 
not far from Penjamo. The people, perceiving the approach 
of soldiery, fled to a hill close by the hacienda. On entering, 
the Padre broke forth into a torrent of abuse, because they 
had ran away from him, as he construed their good intentions. 
He ordered them to return; formed them in the environs of the 
hacienda, and decimated them on the spot. The victims of his 
wanton barbarity were immediately confessed, and, unmoved 
by their entreaties or solemn adjurations that it was dread 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 141 

and horror alone for the enemy, that caused them to flee; 
turning a deaf ear to the supplications of their wives, children 
and relatives, he ordered them to be shot, in the presence of 
their friends and kindred. 

We have been thus particular in drawing the character of 
Padre Torres, because in the sequel it will be seen, that the 
conduct of this man, towards the brave Mina, was the sole 
cause, notwithstanding all the obstacles he had to contend 
against, that he did not succeed in his enterprise. 

The soldiery over whom the sway of Torres and his satel- 
lites extended, were hardy and courageous. Their numbers 
were at least seven thousand; and, though not all armed with 
muskets, yet they were expert lancers and excellent horsemen. 
They were, however, entirely destitute of discipline, were un- 
der no command, miserably paid and clothed, without union, 
each man living at his own home, and scattered over the coman- 
dancia. They were the servants of their masters the comman- 
dants, and had been so long brought up to irregularity, that 
they could desert and fly from a field of action with impunity. 
It is not to be wondered at, therefore, tha% they were no longer 
able to cope with their antagonists, whose only superiority 
consisted in remaining united on the field. In point of personal 
courage and the quality of their horses, the royalists were far 
inferior, nor had they any good cavalry until it was formed 
from the insurgents themselves. When disciplined and taught 
to fight with order, the patriots invariably defeated their an- 
tagonists. 

It must be recollected, that while this unfavourable picture 
of the patriot chiefs generally, is drawn, some few, although 
their conduct had its faults, were actuated by a love of coun- 
try. Innate depravity, as was the case with the majority, had 
no influence over their actions. 

The peasantry gave the most unequivocal proofs of attach- 
ment to the patriot cause, for, ill-treated, abused and sacrificed, 
as they were by the patriots, as well as the royalists, they con- 
tinued faithful to the republican standard. 

Torres, in order to exhibit the appearance of having a civil 
government, instituted one after the model of the late congress. 



142 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

It was composed of a president, Don Ignacio Ayala, two mem- 
bers, Don Mariano Tercero, and Dr. Don Jose San Martin, 
and a secretary of war, Don Francisco Loxero. They were, 
however, the mere creatures of Torres, acted in conformity to 
his wishes, and in fact, instead of controling his operations, 
they strengthened his power over the people. Although the 
government issued decrees, yet they were obeyed or disre- 
garded, as suited the caprice or interest of Torres and the 
commandants, who attended solely to his mandates. 

The new congress bestowed on Torres the rank of lieute- 
nant general, and commander-in-chief of all the forces of the 
Mexican republic. The royalists, at that time, had garrison- 
ed all the principal towns ; but the patriots still had control 
over the country, even to the very walls. They were scat- 
tered in guerilla parties, principally cavalry, consisting of 
from fifty to a thousand men ; and their excursions extended 
from the Sierra Gorda, to the shores of the Pacific ocean. 
In reality, they were little better than bodies of banditti. 
When they knew of the approach of a division of the royal- 
ists, they fled to impregnable stations in the mountains, and 
there waited until the enemy retired ; then, descending to the 
plains, they renewed the same scenes of drunkenness, gam- 
bling, and crimes of every description. 

The royalists were not idle spectators of these disorders, 
and the distracted condition of the patriots, but daily improv- 
ed the advantages they offered. 

Such was the state of the Mexican revolution, when Mina 
arrived at the fort of Sombrero. The disasters we have related 
were then only partially communicated to him ; and he still 
fondly indulged the hope, that it was practicable to remedy 
the evils which the revolutionists had suffered. He flattered 
himself, that the gallant officers he had brought with him, as 
well as the soldiers of his little band, would, by their influence 
and example, infuse a new ardour into the patriots, promote 
their union, and enable him to strike a decisive blow against 
the royalists. 

The patriots still retained possession of three forts ; those 
of Sombrero; Los Remedios, about sixty miles off; and Jau- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 14.3 

xilla, at an equal distance from Remedios, where the congress 
held their sittings. 

There likewise remained among the patriots a few men of 
distinguished character, who, notwithstanding they had be- 
come disgusted with the outrageous conduct of the revolution- 
ists, yet entertained so implacable a hatred to the Spaniards, 
that they preferred seeking an abode in the forest, rather than 
accept the royal pardon. Among these men, was Don Jose 
Maria Liceaga, the president of the congress at Apatzingan, 
who signed the constitution. But none of these worthy men 
now retained any command or influence : education, talent, 
and pure patriotism, were proscribed, under such men as 
Torres and his party. 

Among the military commandants who then acted under 
Torres, there were few capable of reading or writing. They 
usually employed a secretary, on whom devolved the duty of 
reading and answering despatches. When an important paper 
was to be signed, the commandant impressed it with a seal, 
bearing his name, and ornamented with some rude insignia. 

It was with men of this character that the unfortunate Mina 
was destined to co-operate. He beheld around him nothing 
but gross ignorance and anarchy, which threatened to render 
all his efforts ineffectual. Disappointed and mortified, he yet 
concealed his chagrin, except to a few of his confidential offi- 
cers; He had anticipated a different scene ; and, although he 
never had calculated on finding the revolutionary forces under 
military discipline, or with skilful officers, yet he had portray- 
ed them in his mind as enthusiasts in the cause of liberty, and 
had always understood that they were a brave and hardy race 
of people. During his recent march from the coast to Som- 
brero, he had received the most positive proofs of the innate 
courage of the Creoles ; and was therefore still flattered with 
the hope that it would be in his power to succeed in emanci- 
pating Mexico. He considered his junction with the patriots, 
even under all the disadvantages in which he found them 
placed, as the first great step to his future glory and success ; 
and, however extravagant such calculations may at present 
appear, it is evident to the mind of the writer, that if Tor- 



144 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

res, and the rest of the patriot chiefs under his orders, had 
sacrificed their private views to their country's cause, and 
magnanimously and cordially co-operated with Mina, appoint- 
ing him commander-in-chief, he would have found a super- 
abundance of men and resources, not only to have checked the 
progress of the royalists, but to have given to the revolution 
a brighter aspect than it had borne at any previous time, since 
the commencement of the struggle. 

It is well known to the writer, that at the period we are 
speaking of, nearly every regiment of European and Creole 
troops, in the city of Mexico, and in the middle provinces, 
were suspected of disaffection, and of a disposition to revolt. 
Could Mina have maintained his position for a few months 
after he had effected his junction with the patriots, there is 
every moral probability that this event would have occurred. 
Murmurings and desertions were becoming so common among 
the Spanish troops, particularly in the regiment of Saragossa, 
that the government was in the greatest state of alarm. Its 
existence actually depended on arresting the progress of Mina 
towards the middle provinces ; and thus, on the co-operation 
of Torres and his party with Mina, depended the fate of the 
royal government in Mexico. 

It will likewise be obvious to the reader, how different 
would have been Mina's situation, had he arrived twelve, or 
even nine months earlier on the Mexican coast, and formed a 
junction with such commanders as Victoria and Teran, instead 
of the jealous and depraved Torres. Then indeed would the 
hero of Navarre have gained new laurels, and the cause of 
liberty been triumphant. But let us pursue the train of events, 
in the order they occurred., subsequent to the arrival of Mina 
at fort Sombrero. 



' MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 145 



CHAPTER VI. 

Action, of San Jitan de los Llanos — Capture of the Jaral — In- 
terviezv at Sombrero, betxveen general Mina and some of the 
Revolutionary Chiefs — Overture by Mina for an exchange 
of prisoners-— -Events in Sombrero. 

THE officers and soldiers of Mina's little army, on entering 
fort Sombrero, looked forward to enjoy a few days of repose, 
but the enterprising general could not remain inactive, while 
any occasion offered to annoy his enemy. On the 28th, infor- 
mation was received that a movement was made in the direction 
of the fort, by a body of seven hundred of the enemy, under 
the command of colonel Don Felipe Castanon, and that he was 
in the town of San Felipe, distant from Sombrero, east north 
east about thirteen leagues. 

Castaiion, from his activity in surprising parties of the pa^ 
triots, and the enormities he committed, had rendered himself 
conspicuous. His fidelity had been rewarded by his govern- 
ment, by appointing him to the command of this division, and 
granting to him as a peculiar mark of confidence, liberty to 
act as his discretion dictated. He was allowed to move in 
any direction, and to enter into any province he chose, with 
his force, which was styled a flying division. It consisted of 
three hundred excellent cavalry, and four hundred infantry. 
His movements were rapid, secret, and generally made under 
cover of the night. He kept the whole country in the Baxio 
in perpetual alarm. He had been invariably victorious, and 
his name had excited such terror, that the patriots, at length, 
could not be brought to face him ; each individual, as well the 
peasant as the soldier, when his name was mentioned, and 
they supposed he was near, thought only of making his escape. 

It had latterly been the practice with the royalist command- 
ers, in virtue of orders from the viceroy Apodaca, not to put 
to death, or molest the country people within the jurisdiction 
(19) 



146 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

of the patriots, unless they were actually taken in arms. This 
order was in general attended to, except some occasional acts 
of plunder, but Castanon most wantonly disobeyed it with 
regard to every individual, that came within his merciless 
grasp. The Gazette of Mexico teemed with his despatches, 
in which, after enumerating his savage acts, he invariably 
wound up by informing the viceroy, that the prisoners should 
be shot. The aged and infirm, women and children, were 
alike the victims of his sanguinary and vindictive spirit, so 
that as he advanced, every one fled to the mountains, or re- 
tired to secret retreats in the ravines, to avoid his fury. Meet- 
ing with no opposition, in the most merciless manner he mur- 
dered and robbed the unhappy peasantry, whei-ever they were 
found, and desolated every place through which he passed. 

Mina, on the intelligence of his approach, rejoiced in the op- 
portunity which offered of enabling him to attempt checking the 
strides of this ferocious royalist, and accordingly, on the even- 
ing of the 28th, marched to meet him with the effective force of 
the division, about two hundred strong, accompanied by Don 
Pedro Moreno, with a detachment of fifty infantry and eighty 
lancers, under Don Encamaclan Ortiz. The division con- 
tinued its mai"ch till midnight, when, on reaching the ruins of 
an hacienda, they were joined by some patriot infantry, which 
increased the party to nearly four hundred men. At three 
in the morning, the division halted, about six leagues from 
San Felipe. Morning presented to view the comrades who 
had joined during the march. They were a motley group, 
that merely swelled the numerical force, without bringing an 
addition of strength. Over their shoulders was thrown a tat- 
tered blanket, which, with a pair of drawers, constituted their 
only clothing. Their muskets were generally rusty, without 
bayonets, locks out of repair, and many without flints. The 
men were unaccustomed to even the semblance of discipline, 
for they had lived at their own houses, scattered over several 
leagues of country, and had been suddenly called together for 
the present expedition. Such was the allied infantry; but it 
must not be inferred, that the lancers under Ortiz were of a 
similar description* 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 147 

The patriots invariably pay great attention to, and talje great 
pride in their cavalry. The lancers of Ortiz were mounted 
on fine horses, each man carrying either a lance or carabine, 
with pistols or a sword, and although they had no uniform, 
and were clothed in the same grotesque manner we have 
described on a former occasion, yet they were a hardy, fine 
looking set of men, full of animation and courage. Wo be to 
the broken ranks of an enemy, when pierced by such men as 
composed the cavalry of Ortiz. 

At seven o'clock next morning the troops were in motion. 
After advancing about a league, the enemy were discovered 
approaching by the same road, which lay through a beautiful 
undulating plain, on the lands of the hacienda of San Juan de 
los Llanos, distant from the town of San Felipe five leagues. 
The scene of action was near the ruins of that hacienda. 

Mina ordered the division to retire behind arising ground, 
and there made his dispositions with his usual promptitude 
and skill. The Guard of Honour, regiment of the Union, 
and the infantry of Sombrero, forming a column of ninety 
men, of whom forty-five were citizens of the United States, 
were placed under the command of colonel Young. The first 
regiment of the line and the patriot infantry formed another 
column of one hundred and ten men, under colonel Marques, 
commander of the former regiment. The cavalry of the di- 
vision, ninety strong, were commanded by major Maylefer; 
the lancers were headed by Don Encarnacion Ortiz, ; and to 
these may be added the armed servants, 

The enemy having taken up his position, Mina advanced 
alone to within musket shot of their line to reconnoitre. His 
dress, and the fine appearance of his horse, soon attracted the 
notice of the enemy's infantry, who made a general discharge 
at him, but fortunately without effect. Mina's division were 
highly delighted with this display of his intrepidity, although 
many of his officers regreted to see him thus expose his 
person. 

Having, however, accomplished his object, he returned 

.among his troops, and gave orders to advance briskly to the 

attack. Colonel Young, at the head of his column, moved up 



148 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

rapidly under a heavy fire of grape and musketry, poured 
into their infantry one volley, and then gallantly made a charge 
with the bayonet. Major Maylefer, at the same moment, fall- 
ing, sword in hand, at the head of his cavalry, on that of the 
enemy, the whole gave way. The lancers, the instant they 
perceived the enemy in disorder, dashed furiously among them; 
the rout became general, and the victory was complete. 

Three hundred and thirty-nine were counted slain on the 
field, and two hundred and twenty were taken prisoners. 
About one hundred and Jifty of the best mounted cavalry made 
their escape. 

Among the slain was a colonel Ordonez, and several other 
distinguished officers. The implacable enemy of the patriots, 
Castanon, received a mortal wound, of which he expired, af- 
ter riding about five leagues from the scene of action. The 
cavalry pursued the enemy about two leagues, increasing their 
loss. 

The gallantry displayed by colonel Young in this action, 
and the ardour of his troops, set an example which was fol- 
lowed by all the rest of the division, and in fact, not more 
than eight minutes elapsed from the time Mina gave the or- 
der to advance, till the enemy were in full retreat. Mina's 
loss was eight killed, and nine wounded, but among the former 
was the brave and able officer major Maylefer. The loss of 
this man almost counterbalanced the victory. The major was 
a Swiss, and had been an officer of dragoons in the French 
army ; he had served in Spain, and exclusive of his military 
talents, he was respected by the troops for his indefatigable 
attention to his duties. 

There fell into Mina's hands, the result of this action, one 
brass field piece and a mountain gun, jive hundred muskets, a 
greater part of which were of British fabric, a large quanti- 
ty of accoutrements, and all the ammunition and baggage. 

It is worthy of remark, that the enemy, during this action, 
fired dollars from their artillery. We presume this arose from 
their being deficient in grape shot, for most certainly the state 
of the government revenue could not well afford such an ex- 
travagant mode of warfare. Be this as it may, many of Mi- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 149 

na's soldiers were highly pleased with collecting this new 
species of grape shot. 

Mina returned to his encampment of the preceding night, 
amidst the congratulations of his soldiers ; marched the next 
morning, and arrived at Sombrero the same evening. A dis- 
charge of artillery, announced to the royalists of the Villa de 
Leon, that a heavy disaster had befallen their cause. 

From the republican press of Jauxilla, the news was spread 
over the plains of the Baxio ; and the country held by the 
patriots. The death of Castanon excited universal joy amongst 
all classes of people : every demonstration was given of the 
warm feelings of the inhabitants in favour of the patriotic 
cause. The royalists had the mortification to see illuminations, 
and hear the discharge of cannon in every direction around 
them, up to their very walls. The churches resounded with 
Te Deum. From town to town, the praises of Mina were 
echoed. The blessings of heaven were implored upon his 
head, by the widows and orphans of the victims of Castanon. 
Old and young, from Sombrero to the environs of the city 
of Mexico, and from San Luis Potosi to Zacatula, were 
chaunting hymns in honour of their deliverer. 

The l'oyalists now began to have stronger grounds of uneasi- 
ness. They beheld Mina's popularity daily augmenting; they 
saw their finest troops cut up in detail, by inferior numbers. 
They knew that the population of the country were ready to 
welcome him with open arms, in case he should advance 
towards Mexico with any respectable force, capable of giving 
efficient personal protection. They were aware that Mina's 
victories would excite a spirit of disaffection, which had al- 
ready began to manifest itself in the royal ranks, and that 
every battle he gained, tended to weaken the tie which had 
hitherto existed between the royalists and the government. 

This was the critical moment, when it may be truly said, 
the destinies of the Mexican nation, were in the hands of Mi- 
na. Had Padre Torres and the other revolutionary chiefs, 
actuated by a genuine love of country, and devoted to its 
interests and independence, magnanimously come forward and 
thrown under Mina's direction the men and resources which 



150 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

they then had at their disposal, the standard of the revolution 
would now have waved over the walls of Mexico, and its 
freedom been established. But so far were Torres and his 
satellites from adopting this important and necessary step, that 
they began to thwart all his measures, and eventually to render 
all his exertions abortive. 

After a few days' rest at Sombrero, the general, accompanied 
by Don Pedro Moreno, marched with the division and a body 
of lancers, in all three hundred strong, for the purpose of re- 
ducing the highly important hacienda del J aval, twenty leagues 
north from Guanaxuato. As this is one of the most extensive 
and valuable haciendas in the kingdom of Mexico, it may not 
be uninteresting to give some account of it. 

The owner of this famous hacienda is a Creole, named Don 
yuan de Moncada. From the hacienda he takes the title of 
Marques. Previous to the revolution, he was considered 
among the richest of the landed proprietaries of Mexico, and 
in the year 1810 actually possessed in his own mansion six 
millions of dollars. The rent he derived from his estates; the 
revenues he drew from cattle, and horses, which latter are the 
finest in the kingdom, and from his own culture of wheat, corn, 
and the article of chile, (capsicum, J were immense. Some idea 
may be formed of his income, when we state that he received 
from the cultivation of chile alone, upwards of twenty-five 
thousand dollars annually. The great quantities of this pun- 
gent vegetable, which is grown in almost every part of Mexico, 
strikes a stranger with astonishment. In the districts where 
the soil is best adapted to its culture, we behold enormous 
collections of it in all the magazines. For all culinary pur- 
poses, this vegetable is as essential to the Mexican, as salt is 
to the European, and indeed more so, because a Mexican 
would rather go without bread, than lack chile with his meat. 
At the table of the rich and poor, it constitutes an article of 
luxury as well as necessity. Both in its green and dried state, 
the quantity consumed is incredible. When mashed, and 
mixed with a little water, it is the universal sauce or season- 
ing on the tables of the great ; whilst with the poor, it forms a 
component part of their diet. More than one third of the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 151 

Mexican population, live throughout the year on tortillas and 
chile ; which last is spread on their tortillas, as butter is with 
us, though much thicker. On days of festivity, these poor peo- 
ple have an occasional change of diet, by the addition of a few 
eggs, or a little broth, (caldo,) but they never relinquish the use 
of their favourite chile. A stranger, in passing through the 
country, has great difficulty for the first few months to bear 
with the food prepared with chile, but after his palate becomes 
accustomed to its stimulus, it ceases to excoriate, and he gen- 
erally gets as fond of it as the Indians and Creoles. 

On the vast estates of the marques of Jaral, extending to 
above txvo hundred miles in length, the miserable labourers 
exist, as is customary throughout Mexico, almost entirely on 
tortillas and chile. No part of the earth exhibits such striking, 
and such monstrous contrasts of wealth and misery, as well in 
the country as in the cities, as Mexico. We behold the pro- 
prietor of a hacienda, decked in a style of the most costly, 
but awkward grandeur. He has on a pair of country made 
boots, which cost from fifty to a hundred dollars ; large spurs 
inlaid with gold and silver ; a superb horse, with a bridle and 
saddle which cost from a hundred and fifty to three hundred 
dollars ; a cloak or mangas richly embroidered, and full of 
gold or silver buttons, laces, and fringe. He lives in a spa- 
cious house, within whose walls every luxury is to be found 
that the country affords ; but when he sallies forth, he is lost 
amidst a group of half naked, badly fed wretches, whose only 
dress is sheep skins if in the country, and in a town their 
shoulders are covered by an old blanket or a sheet, serving 
them for a partial covering by day, and a bed at night. No 
species of attention is ever paid by the lord of the soil, to the 
comfort or wants of his tenants or vassals, and a more wretch- 
ed race of cultivators does not exist under the canopy of hea- 
ven, than the Indian labourers on these estates, and in the 
mining districts. Twenty-five cents, or two reals, is the daily- 
pittance of a labourer ; out of this, he has to clothe and feed 
himself and family, and has to pay the government and paro- 
chial extortions. No wonder, therefore, that he rarely tastes 



152 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

meat. In fact, the situation of a Georgia field negro is supe- 
rior, notwithstanding all the royal writers say to the contrary. 

In the cities, the poorer classes are still more wretched and 
numerous, than in the country. In some places, they are call- 
ed Guachinangos, in others, Zaragates, Leper os, and Pelados. 
In the city of Mexico, that class of miserable beings is com- 
puted at thirty thousand, or about one fourth of the popula- 
tion. Some of them display great ingenuity, and evince what 
might be made of them if placed under other circumstances. 
They work beautifully in wax, gold and silver ornaments, in 
painting and sculpture, and in making boxes of beads : they 
know not the value of their labours. We have seen them, 
when impelled by hunger, or anxious to obtain a little money 
to spend on days of festivity, part with pieces of exquisite 
workmanship, on which they had expended weeks of labour, 
for a few reals. 

The majority of these wretches live in idleness, and sup- 
port themselves by gaming, which, of course, brings in its train 
all the other vices. Nothing can more forcibly depict, not 
merely a defective police, but the dreadful features of the Spa- 
nish government, than the existence of so much misery in a 
country possessing the finest soil and climate on earth, and 
where the actual population is not one thousandth part equal 
to the physical resources of this beautiful section of the Ame- 
rican continent. 

The magnificent edifices of the city of Mexico, the personal 
splendour which surrounds the viceroy and all the officers of 
government, the costly temples for divine worship, the gor- 
geous exhibitions in religious processions, contrasted with the 
gloomy visages and wretched appearance of the Mexican poor, 
mark the reign of extortion, self-aggrandizement, superstition 
and ignorance. But let us return to the marques of Jaral — he 
had acted a conspicuous part in the revolution, by a determin- 
ed opposition to the patriots, and by his generous gifts to the 
king : he had raised the regiment of dragoons which bears his 
name, of which he was appointed colonel. The demands of 
his own party, and the occasional incursions of the patriots, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 153 

had seriously diminished his revenue, but he was still pos- 
sessed of several millions, and was supposed to have a large 
amount of specie, buried in various places. This practice of 
burying money has become frequent since the revolution, as 
well among the patriots as royalists, many of them not dis- 
closing the secret until at the point of death. Large sums re- 
main yet interred, the owners of which have been unexpect- 
edly cut off by the contending parties, and rather than disclose 
where it was hid, have allowed it to be lost to circulation. 
Afraid to bury too much money about their edifices, they have 
generally conveyed their treasures to unfrequented parts of 
the mountains, so that it rarely happens that they again come 
to light. Instances, however, have occurred of this, which is 
not inaptly styled by the Americans " a resurrection.'''' 

The hacienda of Jaral, as we have before stated, was of 
great extent : on it was a large mansion house, and several 
valuable and handsome buildings, combining in itself every 
necessary accommodation of dwelling houses, stores, &c. &c. 
There were likewise extensive granaries, a neat church, and 
some comfortable edifices belonging to the marques's princi- 
pal dependants, besides a great number of peasants' houses. 

The Jaral, like all important haciendas belonging to the roy- 
alists, was fortified and garrisoned at the expense of the pro- 
prietor. It was walled in and surrounded by a ditch. As the 
patriots in its vicinity had for some time past been diminish- 
ing in number and enterprise, no danger of an attack was ap- 
prehended, particularly from Mina, whose distance the mar- 
ques considered in itself a sufficient protection, presuming it 
would be impossible for him to approach the hacienda through 
the dependants, which surrounded it for several miles, with- 
out his receiving timely information. LTnder these impres- 
sions, the marques and his family were living there, as he sup- 
posed, in perfect security. The soldiery who had escaped the 
disaster of San Juan de los Llanos, were then quartered in the 
place, and with its garrison, the military force of the Jaral 
was upwards of three hundred men and three pieces of artil- 
lerv. 

(20) 



154 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

In Mina's enterprise against this hacienda, he exhibited his 
peculiar talent for guerilla expeditions. Although the road lay 
through the thickly settled domains of the marques, for two 
or three hours of the second day's march from the fort, yet 
such was the good management and judgment of Mina, that 
his advance arrived within sight of the hacienda, before the 
marques was advised of his approach ; and if colonel Noboa, 
who had the command of the advance, had strictly obeyed 
Mina's orders, the marques and the garrison would have been 
taken. They however had just time to save themselves by a 
precipitate flight. The remains of Castanon's division felt no 
inclination to measure their strength again with Mina, con- 
cluding it safest to accompany the marques, with whom they 
fled to San Luis Potosi. It was dark when the division en- 
tered the hacienda. Mina, who was ignorant of the flight of 
the enemy, was surprised at meeting with no resistance, and 
conceived it probable that the enemy were in ambuscade. Ar- 
riving, however, at the mansion, he was met by the priest at 
the porch, welcoming his arrival at the Jaral, and informing 
him of the sudden flight of the marques, presenting, at the 
same time, the respectful compliments of the latter, with a re- 
quest that the general would consider the hacienda and all it 
contained at his service, but that the marques hoped the ge- 
neral would spare the buildings. 

Mina immediately issued orders to his troops to respect pri- 
vate property, and to refrain from ill-treating the inhabitants. 
The latter were likewise made acquainted with these orders, 
and were requested, in case of any violation of them, to give 
information at head-quarters, that the perpetrators might re- 
ceive merited punishment. 

Early next morning, an inquiry was made to ascertain where 
the treasures were buried. One of the marques's servants 
gave information, that a quantity of specie was concealed un~ 
der the pavement of a small room adjoining the kitchen. Af- 
ter digging a considerable depth, a shovel of earth, mixed with 
loose dollars, was thrown up. The excavation was continued 
about three hours, during which time the general distributed 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 155 

some dollars among the troops, who, on hearing the news, had 
flocked to the premises to witness so novel a sight. 

In the room where the excavation was going on, Don Pe- 
dro Moreno, Don Encarnacion Ortiz, three of Mina's staff, 
and the labourers, were the only persons admitted, sentinels 
being placed at the door to prevent the entrance of others. 
After the operation was ended, an estimate was made by the 
treasurer of the amount, at one hundred and forty thousand 
dollars. It was said that Don Pedro, and some other of the 
chiefs, had privately pocketed some doubloons, which it is 
highly probable might have been the fact; these were, of 
course, not included in the estimate. 

At an angle of the marques's mansion was a store, stocked 
with articles for the use of the hacienda. In the front it con- 
tained dry goods, of British and native manufacture, and in 
the rear was a magazine of sugar, cocoa, brandies, and other 
articles. As the dry goods were essentially necessary for the 
troops, they were distributed ; but so small was the quantity, 
that the share, to those who obtained any, was trifling, and 
many did not receive any thing. The brandies were particu- 
larly withheld, and not an article in the back store was moved 
from its place. The dry goods, the specie, and a few horses 
and oxen, were all that were taken. The money was put into 
wagons, and the same evening the division took up the line of 
march on its return. 

During the day, a deserter came in from San Luis Potosi, 
and reported, that the marques on his arrival there, not con- 
sidering himself in safety, had passed through the city, and 
that the inhabitants were anxiously waiting for the arrival of 
Mina, ready to receive him with open arms. We cannot 
vouch for the fact, but, from subsequent information, we know 
that the people of San Luis were at that time ripe for a revolt. 

The progress of the division was so slow, owing to the hea- 
vy, clumsy nature of the wagons, that the next day a number 
of asses was procured from San Felipe and its environs, and 
after the specie was removed to them, the wagons and the ox- 
en, with the exception of ten, were sent back to the Jaral, ac- 
companied by Mina's best respects to the marques, and that 



156 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

at some future day he would do himself the honour again t» 
visit the hacienda. 

The next evening, Mina received intelligence that some 
troops were in a rancho, three leagues distant from the fort, 
where he had intended to halt that night. The troops in ques- 
tion were supposed to belong to the enemy. A reconnoitring 
party was despatched to ascertain the fact, but it returned with 
the information that they were friends. Previous to reaching 
the rancho, it became very dark and rainy, rendering it diffi- 
cult to keep the asses in droves ; and on arriving at the ran- 
cho, two or three of the bags of specie were missing. It was 
afterwards known, that some of the guard who had charge of 
this treasure, taking advantage of the obscurity of the night, 
had appropriated a few thousand dollars to their own use. 

At the rancho, the general met colonel Don Miguel Borja, 
the commandant of the district of the hacienda de Burras, who 
informed him that his excellency general Torres, with doctor 
Don Jose San Martin, and other distinguished patriots, were 
then at Sombrero, where they had come to pay their respects 
to and congratulate the general. Mina accordingly set off early 
next morning, to meet these republican chiefs, and the divi- 
sion, with its prize, entered the fort in the course of the fore- 
noon, under a salute of artillery, whose unwelcome echoes 
again announced to the vassals of Ferdinand VII. in Leon, 
some reverse of their arms. 

The money was now counted into the military chest, and 
proved to be one hundred and seven thousand dollars, in place 
of one hundred and forty thousand, at which it had been pre- 
viously estimated. 

The Spanish government has stated, (no doubt according to 
the representations of the marques,) that the property of which 
the Jaral was robbed, amounted to three hundred and six thou- 
sand four hundred dollars, viz.— 

In milled money, g 150,000 

Provincial money, - - - 33,300 

Bars of silver and clothes, - 86,000 

Goods taken out of the stores, 30,000 

Carried forward, g 299,300 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Brought forward, 



In Indian corn, - - - - 
150 oxen, at $ 14 per head, 



ON. 


157 




g 299,300 


5,000 




2,100 






7 tOO 








$ 306,400 



It is possible that the marques may have lost property to 
that amount, but we positively assert that no such value was 
captured, and that two of the items therein stated, are alto- 
gether false. If the marques has really made such a state- 
ment to his government, he has not only violated veracity, but 
acted most ungenerously towards Mina. Supposing Don 
Pedro Moreno, or any other of the patriot chiefs, had entered 
the Jaral as victors, what would have been the consequen- 
ces, according to the uniform practice of the patriots and roy- 
alists on such occasions ? We ask the marques, would pri- 
vate property have been respected ; or the disorders of the 
soldiers restrained ? Would they not have sacked the haci- 
enda, as well as the mansion and dwellings of the dependants ? 
Would not the stores and granaries have been emptied, and all 
the cattle within their reach have been driven off? And after 
committing those acts, would they not have closed the scene, 
by wrapping in flames the hacienda, and all that could not be 
carried off? And is it not likewise probable, that even some of 
the dependants of the marques would have lost their lives? 

To the honour of Mina, we once more repeat, that he was 
averse to all scenes of rapine or cruelty. Mercy marked every 
step of his progress, and he invariably treated an illiberal ene- 
my with a generosity they little deserved, and never in any 
one instance did he distress or maltreat the victims that fell 
into his power. 

We admit the possibility of one hundred and fifty thousand 
dollars being the amount of the specie, but as before stated, 
there was only one hundred and seven thousand dollars re- 
ceived into the chest; the amount distributed among the troops, 
and what was stolen by the guard, with the doubloons taken 



158 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

by the patriot chiefs, may have amounted to forty-three thou- 
sand dollars ; but we consider it doubtful. 

The item of provincial money in his account, is not correct, 
nor was a single bar of silver taken. We know from the im- 
pression of the money, that it had been buried since 1810 or 
1811; a time when provincial money was unknown. The charge 
of taking clothes is likewise totally false ; the troops having 
been forbid to enter the house, could have had no chance to 
pilfer. The head-quarters were in the mansion of the mar- 
ques, to which only the staff and superior officers had access. 
The table was served in plate belonging to the marques, the 
value of which was very considerable, and yet the whole of 
it was respected. Is any thing more unlikely then, than that 
clothes should be taken in preference to plate? The fact is, not 
an article of the marques's wardrobe was touched, except a 
richly embroidered pair of country boots, which, with a saddle, 
were presented to Ortiz. A gold mounted sword and a 
chacot were likewise given to an officer. 

The whole of the dry goods in the store, might possibly 
be valued at thirty thousand dollars ; but the portion distri- 
buted among the troops, did not amount to a third of that sum. 

Neither sugar, cocoa, nor any article in the back store, was 
touched, except a small fifteen gallon cask of tolerably good 
sherry wine, which was drank among some of the officers in 
toasting the health of the marques, and success to the cause 
of Mexican independence. 

The item of five thousand dollars for corn, is another pal- 
pable misstatement. The consumption in two days would not 
have reached the value of one hundred dollars, and there was 
not a single fanega taken off. As to the charge for oxen, it is 
likewise ridiculous, for as we have before observed, there 
were only ten taken away. 

We conceive it more than probable, that the dependants of 
the marques, taking advantage of circumstances, may have 
robbed their master, conceiving that every thing missing in 
the hacienda, would be laid to the incursion of Mina, but we 
considered it due to the reputation of the general to be thus 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 159 

particular, in repelling the insidious and false attacks on his 
character, made in the Gazette of Mexico, relating to the 
affair of the Jaral. 

The exaggerations and falsehoods which have been publish- 
ed in that famous Gazette, have constituted one of the main 
springs in the machinery of the government, and with great 
propriety may they exult in having the absolute control of the 
press, for to that circumstance more than any other cause may 
be attributed the success of the royalists, arising from the 
ignorance of the patriots, or rather the false statements that 
were spread among them by the royalist Gazette, from the 
commencement of the revolution down to the present day. 

The interview at Sombrero, between the general and the 
republican chiefs, before named, appeared to bear the features 
of sincerity. We have no doubt, with the exception of Padre 
Torres, every other individual among Mina's visiters, was 
not only sincerely disposed to co-operate with him, but that 
their professions of attachment to him, and gratitude for the 
important services he had rendered the cause of independence, 
really sprung from their hearts. 

Mina's victories, his enterprise, his pleasing address, his 
renown, and fast-spreading popularity, were all calculated to 
awaken the diabolical passions, which ruled the breast of the 
envious Torres. He viewed the hero of Navarre as an un- 
welcome intruder, that would soon destroy the ephemeral au- 
thority he then exercised. He saw in Mina an energy of 
character, and a superiority of talent, that would soon raise 
him to an exalted rank among the Mexicans, and that he him- 
self would speedily be supplanted in the seat of power. These 
anticipations, blended with innate depravity, made him view 
the noble-minded Mina with a rancorous eye, and he no doubt 
at once secretly resolved to destroy him ; indeed, he had 
scarcely sufficient art or prudence to conceal the envy rankling 
in his bosom. 

The Padre said, that in consideration of the military talents 
and fame of Mina, he had no objections to place himself un- 
der his orders, but, at the same time, he begged him to re- 
member, that it was an act of condescension, because he (the 



160 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Padre) was his superior in rank ; when, however, the inter- 
ests of the republic required it, he was proud of having an 
opportunity to show his devotion to the public good, by act- 
ing under so experienced a military chief. The manner in 
which these sentiments were delivered, did not escape the 
penetration of colonel Young, who was present, and who had 
attentively examined the countenance of the Padre during the 
whole interview. 

Mina stated, to the leading republican chiefs, his perfect 
obedience and devotion to their government, and with his 
characteristic frankness laid open to them his motives for 
having espoused the cause of American emancipation. He 
stated his firm resolution to perish or succeed in it ; he un- 
folded all his plans ; placed before their eyes their situation ; 
his views of the method to be pursued in the future warfare; 
and he endeavoured to convince them of the support which 
would be cheerfully afforded to the cause by his external 
friends ; he pointed out to them the cardinal value of a warm 
co-operation, and conjured them as men and as Mexicans, 
* assertors of their country's liberty, to unite with him in 
heart and hand against the common enemy of their land. He 
expressed his firm conviction, that with proper exertions with- 
in, and the support which would, in that case, be rendered 
from abroad, the cause of liberty could not fail of being 
crowned with success. 

Never did the character of Mina appear to higher advan- 
tage, than when uttering these pure and patriotic sentiments. 
The chiefs of the republic, as well as his own officers, who 
were present, listened to him with admiration, and every heart 
seemed to respond with gratitude to the hero. Even Padre 
Torres, at the time, seemed anxious to convince Mina of his 
cordial and sincere friendship. Taking him by the hand, 
he exclaimed, " I have six thousand men to place under your 
orders." " If that is the case," replied the general, " then 
will I march direct upon the capital of Mexico." 

After the interview was closed, and the parties had separa- 
ted, colonel Young observed to one of his comrades, " I think 
we may rely on the sincerity of all the patriot chiefs, except 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 161 

that Padre; him I do not like; envy is stamped on his counte- 
nance ; we must beware of him ; he will deceive us ; depend 
upon it, he is inimical to our gallant chief." Alas ! these 
prophetic hints were too soon verified by the conduct of 
Torres. 

The head-quarters of Torres at Remedios, were in the midst 
of a country extremely productive of grain of every descrip- 
tion. The inhabitants, almost without exception, were devoted 
to the patriotic cause, and were ever ready and able to furnish 
any supplies of provisions required by Torres. 

The country round the base of Sombrero, had been more of 
less laid waste, and was thinly cultivated; and as Mina intend- 
ed to establish his head-quarters at this fort, until he could 
raise and equip a considerable body of troops, he was of course 
obliged to depend on the good management and promises of 
Torres, to supply him with all the necessary provisions. But 
in order not to put Torres to any inconvenience, and to ob- 
tain supplies with celerity, he handed over to him eight thou- 
sand dollars, to be appropriated for the immediate victualling 
of Sombrero ; which Torres promised to effect in a few days. 
It was now resolved among the chiefs, that the most active 
measures should be adopted to bring into the field, with every 
possible despatch, a well trained army. Torres assured Mina 
he might rest perfectly easy ; that it should soon be accom- 
plished, as he could raise hosts of recruits from the pueblos 
and ranchos under his command ; and he likewise further 
stated, that himself and subalterns had a number of stand of 
muskets which they had buried. 

To the frank and unsuspecting mind of Mina, all this looked 
well ; he did not even dream that this man could deliberately 
resolve on deceiving him, and ruining the cause they had both 
espoused. He flattered himself, that a more intimate acquaint- 
ance with each other's views, would strengthen their friendship; 
and he resolved to do every thing in his power to show Torres 
the high confidence he reposed in him. Accordingly, colonel 
Noboa was ordered to proceed to Remedios, and there, under 
the eye, and with the co-operation of Torres, to organize and 
discipline the troops about to be raised. 
(21) 



162 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

After a few days had been spent at Sombrero, in forming 
the future plan of operations, Torres, with his staff, the gov- 
ernors, &c. accompanied by colonel Noboa and the eight thou- 
sand dollars, returned to Los Remedios. 

Mina opened a correspondence with the Spanish command- 
ant of the town of Lagos, for the purpose of effecting the re- 
lease of lieutenant Porter, who had (as we have previously 
stated) been made prisoner, the night before the junction with 
the patriots. Mina offered to give in exchange for his officer, 
any number of the prisoners he then held. A very polite letter 
was received from the commandant, ^vhose name we regret 
has escaped us,) in which he expresses his grief at the unnatu- 
ral course of the warfare, and lamented his inability to deter- 
mine on the exchange without consulting his superior officer, 
to whom he had immediately transmitted the proposal. A 
few days afterwards a letter was received, whose purport was, 
that the commander in chief of the province (we presume 
Don Jose de la Cruz) had not only refused to liberate Mina's 
officer on any conditions, but expressly prohibited the com- 
mandant of Lagos from holding any communication whatever 
with a rebel. Thus was Mina's efforts to save his officer ren- 
dered abortive, and the Spanish government, rather than deli- 
ver up one man, conformably to the usages of civilized warfare 
and the principles of humanity, preferred risking the sacrifice 
of tzv o hundred Spanish prisoners, then in Mina's hands, and 
which they had strong reasons to suppose would be shot. 
When the Spanish prisoners were informed of the cruel and 
impolitic answer of the commandant general, they uttered exe- 
crations against him, as well as their barbarous government. 
If these prisoners had been in the power of Padre Torres, he 
would without hesitation have shot the whole of them ; and 
those that are now living, must acknowledge that they owe 
their existence entirely to the generosity of Mina. 

We have since understood that lieutenant Porter was sent 
to San Bias, from whence he was deported to a presidio at 
Manilla, there to labour on the fortifications, or perhaps to 
perish in the dungeons of the fortress — the usual fate of those 
sent to that place. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 163 

The conduct of Mina towards his prisoners exhibits traits 
of policy and humanity, which merit particular notice. Those 
that were taken in the affair of San Juan de los Llanos, had 
been treated with every possible kindness, and the wounded 
among them met with the unremitted exertions of the sur- 
geons. This conduct of the general was totally unexpected 
on the part of the royalist troops, and filled them equally with 
astonishment and gratitude. The simple act of having re- 
moved some of the wounded from the field of Peotillos, pro- 
duced most important results among the royalists m favour of 
Mina, particularly among the European troops ; his praise 
resounded through their ranks, and they now saw, that while 
opposing Mina, they were not combating for life, as had 
hitherto been the case ; and if the fortune of war should throw 
them into his hands, they would be treated as men and as 
soldiers. We subsequently learned from several deserters, that 
the royalist troops made Mina frequently the theme of their 
conversation, and many of them had determined, that when 
they should again come in contact with his division, they would 
only make a show of fighting, and seize the first occasion to join 
his standard. The prisoners taken at the affair of San Juan 
de los Llanos had frequently expressed a desire to be em- 
bodied in Mina's division. He was now anxious to augment 
his strength by every possible means, and as the money taken 
at the Jaral gave him the means of equipment, he addressed 
the prisoners in an appropriate manner, offei'ing to receive all 
who would voluntarily enrol themselves under his banners ; at 
the same time, generously declaring, that all who did not feel 
perfectly disposed to do their duty as soldiers of the republic, 
should be furnished with passports to return to their homes, 
and have money to pay their expenses. With a burst of joy 
and gratitude they accepted Mina's offer, and with the excep- 
tion of four or five persons, all the rest agreed to join him, and 
accordingly were sworn in, and enrolled with the first regi- 
ment. These were an acquisition of high importance : recruits 
also were flocking to Sombrero from various parts of the coun- 
try, so that Mina now saw a prospect opening of soon being 



164 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

enabled to raise a fine regiment of infantry, provided the ene- 
my would only continue inactive for a few weeks longer. 

Some of the most experienced officers of the Guard of 
Honour were transferred to the first regiment, and colonel 
Young received the appointment of inspector general of the pro- 
vince. The administration of the division was new modelled 
and established; a proportion of pay was given to the troops; 
satisfaction reigned among them; every hour augmented their 
confidence towards their brave chief; and every thing was con- 
ducted with order and alacrity. Agents were despatched, with 
ample funds, to Queretaro, to Mexico, and to many of the ma- 
nufacturing towns, to purchase cloths, linens, and necessaries 
for the soldiers and officers. In the Villa de Leon, contracts 
were made with the royalists to suppty shoes and hats ; an 
arsenal was erected in the fort. The taylors of the division, 
and many of the natives, were employed in making uniforms ; 
an armoury, under the direction of an officer of the Guard of 
Honour, was established, and in fact, such dispositions were 
made as denoted not merely the talent and foresight of the 
general, but the zeal and good conduct of his officers and 
soldiers. 

From the Villa de Leon and the country adjacent, every 
article of comfort, and even of luxury was supplied, and as the 
division was flush with cash, they soon had a market in the 
fort, equal, perhaps superior to that of any of the royal towns 
in the plains. 

On the summit of a barren rock, and in the zenith of enjoy- 
ment, the troops were indulging in visions of future glory. 
Their past exertions and successes operated as a stimulus to 
gather fresh laurels, and they looked forward with anxiety to 
the day, when the preparations they were making would allow 
them to commence their march for the Mexican capital. 

The general satisfaction that pervaded Mina's officers and 
soldiers, was interrupted by the meanness and avarice of Don 
Pedro Moreno, commandant of the fort. This unprincipled 
individual bent all his thoughts and actions to the amassing of 
anonev. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 165 

A great proportion of the prize money taken at Pinos, was 
in the provincial coin of Zacatecas ; which had been made in 
that city for circulation, when the communication was cut off 
between the northern and southern provinces. The metal was 
particularly pure, but since the communication had been open- 
ed, as the coin was badly stamped, it would only pass in the 
large cities, where its real value was known. This provincial 
money was a speculation too alluring to escape the notice of 
the avaricious Don Pedro, whose principal aim, like that of 
almost every patriot chief under the command of Torres, was 
to get money, no matter by what means. 

He accordingly published a proclamation, declaring that 
Zacatecas dollars should only be current at four reals (fifty 
cents.) This affected, in a most tender point, those soldiers 
who held that kind of prize money. It was soon discovered 
that Don Pedro, who had the greatest capital in the fort, pur- 
chased them in at the depreciation before mentioned, and sent 
them to Leon or Lagos, where he received full value for them ; 
thus making fifty per cent out of the soldiers. It was like- 
wise ascertained, that the Don and his officers, taking advan- 
tage of the ignorance of the customs and language of their 
auxiliaries, monopolized in the market many essential articles, 
and resold them to the troops at double what they had cost. 

This disgraceful business was communicated to Mina, but 
as he did not wish to interfere with the local regulations of 
the fort, of which Moreno was the commandant, and as he 
did not think it a proper time to enter into a dispute with him, 
he appeared to take little notice of the transaction. 

It will no doubt appear strange to the reader, that the pa- 
triots could procure from the royal towns supplies with such 
facility, but it is explained as follows. 

The royalists, as well as the patriots, were alive to self-in- 
terest ; the former knew, that unless they kept open a traffic 
with the latter, the inhabitants of the towns would be exposed 
to perish by famine. The patriots held under control the 
peasantry and their productions ; they constantly hovered 
round the towns ; scoured, in small parties, every foot-path 
and by-road ; and were continually on the alert. The enemv 



166 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

could only sally out in strong divisions ; they were afraid to 
separate in pursuit of the insurgents ; while the latter, on the 
approach of a division, retired from the high roads a short 
distance, and as soon as the royalists were out of sight, or re- 
turned within the walls of the towns, again came down to 
their work of annoyance. By following this species of war- 
fare, they prevented any thing from entering a royalist town, 
except by a passport. The patriot and royalist commanders 
found it to their interests to grant these passports. The lat- 
ter, by this means, received provisions ; the former, luxuries. 
A reciprocal traffic was thus established; both parties charging 
heavy duties on what went into, as well as what came out of 
the towns. The advantages, however, which accrued to the 
royalists by this commerce, were far greater than to the oppo- 
site party. The royalists, by receiving provisions, were 
enabled to maintain their positions, which was the primary 
point. Their commerce prospered. It augmented, though 
in a small ratio, the revenue. They drew from the patriots 
their specie; and in short, it tended to demoralize the patriots, 
and materially to accelerate their subjugation. The patriots, 
on the other hand, received some dry goods and luxuries 
which were by no means essential; and the revenue derived 
from this impolitic traffic, in the latter stages of the revolution, 
instead of being applied to the good of their country, flowed 
into the pockets of the commandants and their satellites. 

Frequently the patriots had it in their power to literally 
starve out the royalists. Some patriotic commanders occasion- 
ally determined on this plan, but their efforts were unavailing, 
for want of union among the other commanders ; for, while 
one was prohibiting provisions from entering a royal town, 
another was granting passports for their entrance into some 
other place. 

The city of Valladolid was at one time, during the revolu- 
tion, reduced to the last extremity, the patriots having pro- 
hibited all supplies from going into the city. Even the arti- 
cle of charcoal had become so scarce, that females of fortune 
used to ride in their coaches to the environs of Valladolid, for 
the purpose of meeting such daring fellows as had the good 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 167 

fortune to escape the vigilance of the patriots, and to bring in 
a few bushels of charcoal. Disputes would arise about the 
distribution of the article, and when a person obtained half a 
bushel, by entreaty or purchase, it was considered a great piece 
of good fortune. The republican commander of the district 
at last, however, wanted money, and obtained it by granting 
licenses. The city was supplied with provisions, and relieved 
from distress. 

In latter days, this kind of trade between the contending par- 
ties became so general and systematic, that there was scarcely a 
royal or patriot chief, who did not amass more or less wealth 
from these licenses. This is the only mild trait that has been 
discernible in the course of the revolution ; but as it springs 
from the detestable principle of avarice, it must not be consi- 
dered as a social intercourse, for the very same people, who 
thus reciprocally trafficked, were at the same time shooting 
their respective prisoners in cold blood, and committing to- 
wards each other the most savage cruelties. 

General Teran, whom we have before noticed for his extra- 
ordinary talents, had, in the year 1816, proposed a plan to 
Victoria and Osourno, for getting possession of the city of 
Vera Cruz, by marching with their joint forces, and taking up 
such positions as would have effectually cut off* supplies from 
entering into that city. He knew that such was the improvi- 
dence of the Spanish government, that they had no stores of 
provisions in reserve in that city, and that a vast population 
depended for its daily subsistence on an intercourse with the 
country ; of course, if the latter had been suddenly cut off", the 
surrender of the city was inevitable, because they could not 
obtain external succours by water, in time to have remedied 
the evil. 

We have been informed, by intelligent royalists of that city, 
and from our personal knowledge of its dependent condition 
on the score of provisions, we know it to be a fact, that if Te- 
ran's plans had been pursued, the place would have surren- 
dered in fifteen or twenty days, more especially as at that 
time the great body of the inhabitants (European Spaniards 
and officers of government excepted) were ripe for a revolt, 



T. 



168 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the moment that a respectable division of the patriots should 
approach. The jealousies of Victoria and Osourno towards 
Teran, were the sole cause why the latter did not put his plan 
into execution. 

We have been thus particular in stating these facts, because 
they serve to illustrate our former remark, that the Spanish 
government owes its existence at this day in Mexico, entirely 
to the ignorance, jealousy, ambition, and venality, of certain 
chiefs among the patriots, and that, had their efforts been di- 
rected by union and system, the patriots might, at any one pe- 
riod for nearly seven years, have established the liberty of 
their country. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 169 



CHAPTER VII. 

Intelligence of the fall of Soto la Marina, received at Sombrero 
■ — Investissement of the fort by Arredondo — Operations 
during the siege — Desertion of La Sala — His base conduct 
— Gallant defence of the garrison — Its capitulation — The 
terms — Their violation — Cruel treatment experienced by the 
captives, in Altamira, on the road to Vera Cruz, and in the 
dungeons of San Juan de Ulua — Departure of some of the 
captives for Spain — Order of the minister of war at Ma- 
drid — Strictures on the violation of the capitulation, and on 
the decree of the Cortes, of the 10th of April, 1813 — Viola- 
tion of Miranda's capitulation at Caracas — The conse- 
quences thereof— Cruelty of the Spaniards in Puerto Ca- 
vello — Dreadful measures of retaliation adopted by general 
Bolivar. 

WHILE Mina was making his preparations at Sombrero, 
he received the Gazette of Mexico, in which was announced 
the fall of the little fort at Soto la Marina. This was indeed 
painful intelligence, not only on account of the loss of some 
valuable officers, men, arms, and munitions of war, but because 
it cut him off" from an external communication, so essential to 
the success of his operations. 

The official accounts published in the Gazette, contained no 
more information on the subject than what the royalists thought 
proper to promulgate ; and, as usual, it was composed of hy- 
perbole and falsehood. Authentic information has since been 
obtained, of the circumstances that occurred to that garrison, 
subsequently to the departure of Mina for the interior. 

It was a singular coincidence of events, that on the same 
day, and nearly at the same hour, that Mina gained the im- 
portant victory of Peotillos, the garrison of Soto la Marina 
was forced to capitulate. The gallant defence which it made 
(22) 



ft 
170 MEXICAN REVOLUTION 

reflects the highest honour on its garrison, and shows that the 
spirit of Mina had extended itself to every individual of his 
troops. 

After Mina's departure, great exertions had been made to 
discipline the recruits, and to get up the stores from the bar 
of the river. Amongst other arrangements, a national guard 
was formed of the peasantry, and the command given to major 
Castillo. The numerical force, under the orders of major 
Sarda, amounted only to one hundred and thirty-jive men. 

On the 3d of June, a foraging party of twenty-five men, 
under the command of captain Andreas, was despatched to 
bring in a supply of corn. It was returning, on the 8th, with 
twenty-three mules, laden with provisions, when it encoun- 
tered a party of two hundred mid twenty of the enemy. The 
little band maintained an obstinate action for half an hour, 
when the whole, except three, were killed or taken prisoners. 
The latter were all shot, except the commander, Andreas, 
whose life was spared, on his promise of rendering them ser- 
vices. This loss was severely felt by the commander of the 
fort, major Sarda, as it reduced his force to one hundred and 
thirteen men. 

The major had received information, on the 6th, of the ap- 
proach of the royalists, and immediately ordered every person 
to work on the intrenchments. The labour, under a scorching 
sun, was severe and unremitting; but not a murmur was heard 
from any one. All were intent on preparing to withstand a 
siege. Even the females of the peasantry took an active part 
in the toil : they killed and jerked the cattle. The seamen were 
strenuous in their exertions to remove the stores from the 
beach. In the meantime, the Spanish naval squadron, recently 
strengthened by a brig, had twice appeared off the river, but 
showed no disposition to risk a landing. 

On the 11th, the royalist forces made their first appearance, 
and occupied the rancho of San Jose, about a league distant. 
Major Sarda received information of the exact force of the 
enemy. They consisted of the battalion of Fernando 7°; an 
European regiment of infantry, three hundred and sixty strong; 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 171 

three hundred and f fry infantry of the regiment of Fixo de 
Vera Cruz; two hundred and eighty artillerists, with nineteen 
pieces of artillery; and tzvelve hundred cavalry: the whole 
under the command of general Arredondo. 

To oppose this formidable force, major Sarda had only one 
hundred and thirteen men; ninety-three of whom composed the 
garrison, the remaining twenty being occupied in attending to 
the preservation of the stores. Colonel Myers, of the artillery, 
and commissary Bianchi, had previously resigned; and captain 
Dagasan, a French officer, was appointed to succeed to the com- 
mand of the artillery. On the fort were mounted three field pie- 
ces, two howitzers, one eleven and a half inch mortar, and three 
carronades. The rear of the fort, however, was open, as th rre 
had not been time to throw up the intended redoubt. Colonel 
Perry, whose conduct and fate we have already narrated, 
had marched, it appears, to the bar, and there supplied himself 
with arms and ammunition. Major Sarda indulged a hope 
that the colonel, after deliberate reflection, would have return- 
ed to his comrades ; but unfortunately this expectation was 
disappointed. Had the fifty-three Americans, who abandoned 
the cause with Perry, returned to the fort, it is highly proba- 
ble that the enemy would have been successfully resisted. 
This assertion is supported, not only by the gallantry dis- 
played by the handful of men who defended the fort, but by 
the want of skill and good conduct on the part of the besiegers. 

On the 12th, the enemy, from a distant battery on the oppo- 
site bank of the river, opened a fire, which they maintained 
until the 14th, without doing any material injury. 

Captain Andreas, who had been taken prisoner, and whose 
. life had been spared, as before stated, on condition of serving 
the enemy, accordingly wrote to captain La Sala, the senior 
officer of engineers, and to captain Martenich, of the first regi- 
ment, inviting them to desert the fort, and come over to the 
royalists ; and, on the 13th, these two officers actually passed 
to the enemy. This occurrence not only excited the indigna- 
tion of, but created much uneasiness among, the garrison, as 
La Sala was minutely acquainted with the situation of the fort, 
and might likewise give every information necessary for its 



172 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

reduction. Major Sarda, therefore, called a council of war; 
and, after a short consultation, the officers crossed their swords, 
and swore to defend the fort to the uttermost extremity. 

The village of Soto la Marina had been burned, and almost 
every thing cut down that was thought capable of affording 
shelter to the enemy; but on the right of the fort had been left 
a few bushes, under cover of which was stationed a party of 
three hundred cavalry, who attempted to drive away the cattle 
that were grazing near the fort. To dislodge these, twenty- 
six infantry, with one field piece, sallied from the fort, and in a 
most gallant manner attacking the enemy, put them to flight. 
This affair animated the men, inspired them with confidence in 
their own valour, and filled them with contempt for the enemy. 

The garrison continued to work night and day to complete 
the fortification, maintaining, at the same time, a steady fire, 
whenever the enemy presented themselves ; and, in order not 
to lose time, a few were employed constantly in loading mus- 
kets, while the others fired. A thousand muskets, loaded, and 
with fixed bayonets, were kept ready, in case of an assault. 

On the night of the 14th, by the direction of the traitor La 
Sala, the enemy planted a battery on the right bank of the 
river, within musket-shot; and, at three A. M. of the 15th, 
they opened a tremendous fire, from twelve pieces of artillery, 
upon the rear of the fort. Soon after day-light, they brought 
up seven pieces of artillery on the left bank of the river; and 
thus the garrison was exposed to a cross fire, which spread 
destruction at every shot. 

Mina had taken La Sala, with two other Italians, out of a 
state of mendicity, in London. The wife and family of one 
of them were brought to the United States at the expense 
of the general, who, as far as his means permitted, made 
provision for their support. This man and a brother were 
among the deserters at Port au Prince ; and, not content 
with that act of ingratitude, he had the assurance to commence 
a prosecution for six months' pay. But an order from general 
Boyer, the now president of the republic, prevented the court 
from proceeding in so iniquitous a case. La Sala was then 
indignant at the conduct of his two friends, and expressed his 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 173 

determination to follow the fortunes of the general. This ap- 
parent fidelity was not lost on Mina. La Sala was promoted 
to a captaincy, and he stood high in the esteem of the general; 
as a proof of which, he was entrusted with the arduous and 
honourable post of the engineer department of Soto la Marina. 
Under such circumstances, his desertion was an act of pecu- 
liar baseness; but his advising the enemy where to plant their 
cannon, so as most effectually to destroy his former comrades, 
and, as it appeared, his wantonly directing their fire even upon 
the place in which he knew the women and children took re- 
fuge, are circumstances so monstrous as to outrage the best 
feelings of human nature. Had it not been for the treacherous 
conduct of this faithless Italian, the enemy would undoubted- 
ly have been baffled in their attempts on the fort. 

The enemy, as soon as they opened the battery on the right 
bank, lined the river with the light infantry of the Fernando 
7°, by which they succeeded in preventing the garrison from 
reaching the river. At sun-rise, it was perfectly calm ; but 
the heat became most oppressive. These circumstances, com- 
bined with the dense state of the atmosphere, and the unre- 
mitting exertions of the troops, soon rendered their thirst in- 
supportable ; and, although the river was within a few paces, 
so heavy and destructive was the fire of the enemy, that no 
man, even the boldest, would venture to allay his thirst. In 
this situation, a Mexican heroine, seeing the men fainting at 
the guns, intrepidly sallied from the fort, and, amidst a shower 
of balls, succeeded, uninjured, in bringing a partial supply of 
water to the suffering soldiers. 

At noon, the artillery of the fort was either altogether dis- 
mounted, or more or less disabled ; and the grape-shot was 
nearly expended. The enemy had succeeded in making a 
breach in the face of the work. Their bugles, trumpets, and 
drums, now sounded the advance ; and their columns were 
discovered moving up in close order to the assault. This was 
the critical moment for the little garrison to display all their 
energies ; and accordingly they prepared with firmness to re- 
pulse the approaching storm, or to die in the attempt. The ' 
loaded muskets were kept in readiness ; and some of the guns 



174 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

were temporarily remounted, as was supposed, for the last 
time : these were loaded to the muzzles with musket balls, 
the only remaining howitzer containing upwards of nine hun- 
dred. The enemy now advanced briskly, vociferating " Viva 
el Rey /" and, presenting a formidable front, seemed deter- 
mined on carrying the fort. They were suffered to approach 
within a hundred paces, when the garrison greeted them with 
shouts of " Viva la Libertady MinaP accompanied by a heavy 
discharge of musket balls. The enemy, unable to withstand 
so vigorous an attack, fell into confusion, faced about, and fled 
in the utmost consternation and disorder. They rallied, and 
again advanced in columns of attack, driving before them 
droves of horses, for the double purpose of covering the men 
from the fire of the garrison, and filling up the ditch with those 
that should be killed. The garrison retained their fire, as be- 
fore : the enemy approached with the same apparent resolu- 
tion, but were again as effectually received, and repulsed. 
During this assault, Arredondo narrowly escaped destruction 
from a cannon ball. Once more the enemy rallied, and made 
a third attempt, which likewise terminated in a destructive 
repulse. 

In this manner did a mere handful of brave men, attacked 
in front, rear, and on the flanks, resist an overwhelming supe- 
riority of numbers. Heroic as was this defence, yet the gar- 
rison was too weak to sustain much longer a contest so unequal 
and unabating, without repose or refreshment ; for incessant 
labour, and intolerable thirst, had exhausted almost every 
individual. The artillery was rendered nearly useless ; most 
of the artillerists were killed ; and the infantry, by incessant 
firing, were so bruised, that they could scarcely bring a 
musket to the shoulder. In this deplorable situation, the 
recruits became alarmed, and some of them escaped from 
the fort. The firing on both sides, as if by mutual consent, 
after the third repulse, had somewhat slackened. The slaugh- 
ter which had been made among the royal troops, taught them 
the danger of attempting another assault on a place defended 
by men who had given such proofs of constancy and courage. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 175 

At half past one, a flag of truce was sent by Arredondo, 
demanding the surrender of the fort at discretion. He was 
answered that such a proposal was inadmissible ; and he was 
even recommended to make another attempt to carry the place 
by assault. Major Sarda then called together the remaining 
recruits, and asked them if they would share the fate of the 
foreigners, who were determined to die, rather than submit to 
any dishonourable terms : " We are ready to die with you," 
was the reply of these high-spirited peasants. Another flag 
now arrived, with the offer that the lives of the garrison should 
be spared : the former answer was repeated. A third message 
was received ; and, while the conference was going on, the 
staff-adjutant of Arredondo came up, and stated, that his gene- 
ral would sincerely regret to be obliged to sacrifice men who 
had displayed such extraordinary bravery ; and that he was 
empowered to accede to the most honourable and liberal terms. 
Accordingly, after some consultation, the following articles of 
capitulation were drawn up, and handed to the officer: — < 

I. All parties composing the garrison of the fort of Soto la 
Marina, as well as those that are or may have been at the bar 

. or on the river, shall be included in the present capitulation. 
S\ They shall surrender themselves prisoners of war, every one 
receiving a treatment corresponding with his rank ; and the 
officers shall be paroled. 

II. All private property shall be respected. 

III. The foreigners shall be sent to the United States, by 
the first opportunity. The natives of the country shall be sent 
to their respective homes, and their past conduct shall remain 
wholly unnoticed. 

, IV. The garrison shall march out with the honours of war, 
and stack their arms. 

Those conditions being agreed on, the Spanish officer, in the 
presence of the whole garrison, declared that he was authoriz- 
ed by general Arredondo to accede to any terms he thought 
proper ; and that therefore he solemnly pledged his word of 
honour, on behalf of his commanding officer, that the condi- 
tions of capitulation, thus placed in his hands, should be scru- 
pulously observed. Major Sarda was well aware, that the 



176 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

honour of a royalist officer, thus solemnly pledged, if he were 
an honourable person, was a better security than any written 
document given by a dishonourable one; because, if there 
exist a disposition to violate engagements, there will never be 
wanting a pretext to destroy documents ; whereas, by appear- 
ing to have confidence in their honour, he was most likely to 
ensure the faithful performance of the capitulation. Under 
these circumstances, he did not deem it expedient to insist 
upon a formal written capitulation, with the signature of gene- 
ral Arredondo. 

These points being fixed, hostilities ceased; and, the same 
afternoon, the garrison marched out with all the honours of 
war. Thirty-seven men and officers were all that remained of 
the garrison. They grounded their arms before fifteen hun- 
dred of the enemy. Those who were at the bar, or on the river, 
also became prisoners. Thus fell the little mud fort of Soto 
la Marina, after bravely sustaining a spirited attack of eleven 
hours. If such a defence had been made in Europe, in India, 
or any other part of the civilized world, it would hav>s occu- 
pied no ordinary rank in the gazettes and military annals of 
the present age ; and at least the commander of the fort and 
his brave associates would have been respected in their per- 
sons, and not have experienced a base and cruel violation of 
the terms of surrender. 

When general Arredondo saw the little band march out of 
the fort and ground their arms, he approached their command- 
er, and petulantly asked, "Are these the whole garrison?" 
Being answered in the affirmative, he abruptly turned round 
to the commanding officer of the regiment of Ferdinand VII. 
and exclaimed, " Is it possible ?" 

The loss of the royalists was three hundred killed, and a 
proportionate number wounded. The valuable depot of arms 
and military stores which fell into their hands, seemed to 
console them in some measure for the severe loss they had 
sustained; and for the first two days, the little band of heroes 
were at liberty, and every thing indicated good faith on the 
part of the royalists. Their officers in general offered major 
Sarda and his men their congratulations on the happy conclu- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 177 

sion of the late affair, and stated that general Arredondo had 
received a recent proclamation of" the viceroy, promising the 
royal amnesty to all those of Mina's expedition who should 
abandon it; that they should be furnished with passports to 
the United States ; money to bear their expenses ; and conse- 
quently they might rely on the capitulation being strictly ful- 
filled. These, however, were short-lived promises ; and on 
the third day the unhappy captives saw the first breach of the 
capitulation made, by their being placed under guard, and a 
part being forced to bury the dead and destroy the works. 
Shortly after, they saw their comrades of the foraging party, 
who had been taken on the 3d of June, and who had experi- 
enced from their captor, Don Felipe La Garza, a treatment 
the most humane, led to the front of the camp, and shot. No 
other reason was assigned for this barbarous act, but that they 
were not included in the capitulation. One of the prisoners 
was lieutenant Hutchinson, a citizen of the United States. 
His wounds were so severe, that he was unable to sit up. He 
was shot as he lay in his litter. This tragedy taught the other 
prisoners to have little confidence in the faith of men capable 
of such wanton cruelty ; and it was now generally anticipated, 
that the capitulation would be wholly set aside. 

The venerable prelate Dr. Mier, celebrated for his virtues 
and his sufferings, was denounced by the rector of Soto la 
Marina, (a European Spaniard,) for having performed the 
sacred ceremonies of the mass with vino mescal, (a spirit 
distilled from one of the species of maguey,) instead of wine. 
The rector, it will be recollected, received Mina with open 
arms, and afterwards, on his giving a promise to return, 
was permitted to leave the village ; but he came back only 
when the royalists had entered the place. The denunciation 
in question, however farcical it may appear to the reader, was 
fatal to the venerated Dr. Mier. In vain would he have 
stated that no wine could be procured, and that if he had not 
substituted vino mescal, he could not have performed the duty 
of celebrating the mass to the garrison. The worthy old 
man, in whose countenance shone a spirit of meekness and 
(23) 



178 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

serenity that would have softened savages, became the object 
of insulting jests and outrage. He was loaded with enormous 
shackles, and in that deplorable state, he was sent under an 
escort to the city of Mexico. We afterwards learned, that on 
the road, from debility and ill usage, he had the misfortune 
to fracture a limb. When he arrived at Mexico, he was de- 
livered to the holy office of the Inquisition, and again incar- 
cerated in his former abode in the dungeons of that horrible 
instrument of religion, perverted from its sacred and holy 
design. 

The garrison were all kept under close arrest for ten days, 
were then sent as prisoners to Altamira, and there put in con- 
finement. This was such a direct infraction of the capitula- 
tion, /that the prisoners naturally concluded they would ere 
long be treacherously sacrificed ; they therefore meditated an 
attempt to escape. Accordingly, a plan was arranged among 
the greater part of the prisoners, to rise upon the guard, 
make their way to Tampico, and there, in case of necessity, 
embark in the vessels then lying in the port. An enter- 
prise of this kind was not so difficult or desperate as may at 
the first view be imagined. A small band of intrepid men, 
indignant at the violation of the capitulation, seeing before 
them no other prospect but a miserable captivity, and deter- 
mined to die rather than remain captives, must be, under such 
circumstances, capable of performing extraordinary deeds ; and 
there is little doubt, that if they had once overcome the guard, 
they would have succeeded. But unfortunately for them, their 
intentions were suspected, or else discovered by one of their 
own party, and within about an hour of the time when they 
contemplated striking the blow, they were astonished by the 
sudden appearance of a detachment of soldiers entering their 
prison. 

The royalist officer who commanded the party of soldiers, in- 
formed the captives that he had orders to put them in irons, but 
knew not for what cause. Accordingly, they were all heavily 
ironed, and conducted to different places of confinement in the 
town. Then commenced a scene of cruelty towards these 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 179 

miserable men, which, if it were possible to be described, would 
find but few readers willing to believe the horrid detail. Few, 
very few of those captives are now living ; but should any of 
them cast their eye on this statement of their sufferings, they 
will readily perceive that the following sketch is a mere outline 
of the miseries they endured. 

They were conducted to Vera Cruz by the circuitous route 
of Pachuca, twenty-five leagues from the city of Mexico. 
Although on horseback, the weight of their irons, the length 
of the journey, want of wholesome food, and oppressive heat, 
brought on debility and disease. Their distress and torments 
seemed to excite joy among their Spanish conductors. Some, 
overcome with their sufferings, fainted on the road, and were 
fastened to their horses with cords ; others became frantic, 
and begged to be shot or bayoneted; while the remainder 
were driven along like cattle, to the end of the day's march, 
and then thrown into wretched hovels, swarming with vermin. 
A pittance of coarse food, barely sufficient to sustain life, was 
given them, but so great was their fatigue and bodily pain, 
that to eat was to add to their sufferings. Extreme debility of 
course ensued, and as scarcely any rest was allowed them, it 
became almost impossible for any one of them even to bear the 
weight of his irons. Indeed, had it not been for the humanity 
of the Mexican population, very few would have survived. 

In this dreadful condition they at length reached the city of 
Vera Cruz, where fourteen of them were incarcerated during 
a night in a room not capable of containing four men at their 
ease. They were all huddled together, and so closely wedged, 
that they were obliged to stand upright. No air entered the 
place. A general suffocation had nearly taken place. An 
officer, reduced to the last extremity, begged for a little water. 
The sentinel who was applied to, replied, he had positive or- 
ders to grant nothing, and wished the officer a speedy passage 
to the other world. 

The dungeons in the castle of San Juan de Ulua, on a small 
island opposite Vera Cruz, in which these victims were af- 
terwards confined, cannot be compared with any others in 
the world. Situated about fourteen feet under the arches of 



180 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the castle, a gloomy light can only be admitted by a small 
grating at the top. There is a constant humidity ; and as the 
bottom of the dungeon is below the level of the sea, water 
oozes in, and has opened passages through which crabs find 
access. These wefa finally welcome visiters to the prisoners, 
serving them for occasional food. The number confined in 
so small a space, soon produced a pestilential air, and disease 
became general among them. The sentinels, on opening the 
doors, frequently fainted away on inhaling the horrid effluvia 
issuing from the dungeon. The daily allowance of food was 
four ounces of bread, three of rice, and three of beans. This 
however was frequently curtailed, and was cooked in so dis- 
gusting a manner, without salt, that nothing but extreme hun- 
ger could induce some of the prisoners to touch any thing but 
the bread. In vain they begged that the sick should be sepa- 
rated from those that still retained some remnant of health. 
They were all chained indiscriminately in pairs, and on opening 
the dungeon one morning, two were found dead in their chains. 

At length, when an order came to remove the sick, it was 
only executed in extreme cases, and even then, the victim was 
removed to the hospital in irons, which were never struck off, 
till death had put an end to the miserable sufferer. There 
was one instance of such deliberate and savage cruelty, as to 
excite the indignation and reprehension of several Spanish 
officers. 

One of the prisoners, a citizen of the United States, had 
the skin of his leg chafed by the irons. From the want of 
dressings, and wholesome aliment, the sore rapidly increas- 
ed. The irritation and pressure of the iron, caused the flesh 
and muscles to become completely ulcerated to the bone ; the 
whole leg became a mass of corruption. Unavailing were 
his petitions to have the irons taken off; his groans and ex- 
cruciating agonies at length so far arrested the attention of his 
keepers, that he was removed to the hospital. The physician, 
on examining the horrid state of the leg, immediately addressed 
a representation to the governor, stating, that unless the irons 
were removed, death would inevitably ensue. Upon the 
margin of the memorial, the governor wrote the following in- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 181 

human replication, and sent it to the officer of the guard : 
" ghie los lleva, mientras respira." Whilst he breathes, he 
shall xvear them. This barbarian was the brigadier Don Juan 
Evia. In a few hours this victim of Spanish inhumanity ex- 
pired. 

We forbear swelling our pages with the farther recital of 
these barbarous acts, and conclude by stating, that of the thir- 
ty-seven officers and soldiers who capitulated at Soto la Ma- 
rina, and about thirty others, foreigners of Mina's party, who, 
before and subsequent to that affair, had fallen into the hands 
of the royalists, at least thirty died, at Altamira, on the route 
to Vera Cruz, and in the dungeons of San Juan de Ulua. 

The few that survived the horrors of those dungeons, were 
shipped for Spain, to await the farther orders of the king. On 
their passage to the Peninsula, they were treated with every 
indignity and cruelty, with the exception of four, who were 
sent from Havana in the Spanish brig of war Ligero, com- 
manded by captain Martinez. This benevolent officer treated 
them with kindness, had their irons taken off during the pas- 
sage, and gave them wholesome food. 

In order to illustrate how far the Spanish authorities in Mex- 
ico carried their vindictive feelings against every individual 
connected with Mina's party, we must notice their conduct to 
a French female, who had accompanied the expedition from 
Galvezton. The name of this extraordinary woman is La 
Mar. She had formerly resided at Carthagena, and had dis- 
tinguished herself on many occasions, for her intrepidity and 
aversion to the Spaniards. At Soto la Marina, her attentions 
to the sick and wounded were unceasing ; and during the 
jsiege she acted with the spirit of an Amazon. On the march 
to Altamira and Tampico, although exposed to the wanton 
and scornful jests of the Spaniards, she sustained herself with 
unshaken fortitude. She constantly displayed a cheerfulness, 
which, together with her indefatigable exertions to sooth the 
distresses of the prisoners, proved most consoling to them. 
She is said to have been afterwards a leading character in the 
revolt at Altamira. She was sent to Vera Cruz, and there 
• onfined in the hospital, where she was compelled to perform 



182 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the most disgusting offices to the sick. At length she con- 
trived to make her escape, leaving a letter addressed to the 
governor of Vera Cruz, and another to the viceroy, contain- 
ing the most bitter reproaches for the violation of the capitu- 
lation, and menacing them with the revenge of the patriots. 
She reached a division of the troops of Guadalupe Victoria, 
with whom she remained some time, but was so unfortunate 
as to fall again into the hands of the royalists. In July, 1819, 
she was confined within the walls of Xalapa, condemned to 
perform servile duties in a private family. In vain has this 
woman presented frequent petitions to be permitted to leave 
the country. The spirit of revenge and the cruelty of the im- 
mediate agents of Ferdinand VII., appear to have taken the 
place of their former gallantry to the sex, and they hold her 
of so much importance, as to determine on keeping her a pri- 
soner. 

The fate of the captives who arrived in Spain, was, if pos- 
sible, more dreadful than their previous sufferings in Mexico. 
This will be more clearly perceived by the royal order, com- 
municated to the governor of Cadiz, from Eguia, the minister 
of war, of which the following is a translation : — 

" The viceroy of New Spain having communicated to this 
department his intention of despatching for the Peninsula, to 
be placed at the disposal of our lord the king, the individuals 
named in the accompanying list, who, having been attached to 
the rabble (gavilla) with which the traitor Xavier Mina invad- 
ed the territory of that kingdom, took the benefit of the am- 
nesty (indulto) which the viceroy had there proclaimed, his 
majesty has been graciously pleased to command the supreme 
council of war, to determine what would be the best measures 
to adopt respecting them, on their arrival at Cadiz, or any 
other port in the Peninsula ; and the said tribunal having de- 
clared its opinion, which has been approved of by his majesty, 
he has been pleased to order, ' That the thirty-six individuals 
comprising the said list, shall, on their arrival in Spain, be 
distributed by fours, to the presidios of Cadiz, Malaga, Me- 
lilla, Penon, Ceuta, and Alhucemas, and the remaining twelve 
shall be placed at the disposal of the captain general of Ma- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 183 

jorca, in order that they may be distributed in the same pro- 
portions through the district under his command.' In these 
places, they are to be retained as convicts, (presidarios,) there 
to remain during the pleasure of his majesty. The said go- 
vernors are most scrupulously to watch over their conduct, 
and give timely notice of any thing they may remark, in or- 
der that the greatest rigour may be enforced against them ; 
keeping constantly in view, that they are responsible for what- 
ever disturbance may be created by them, in whom not the 
smallest confidence can be placed, until by indubitable proofs 
they render themselves worthy of it, and of the clemency of 
his majesty. This royal decree is sent for your government, 
that as far as concerns yourself, you may be prepared to carry 
it into execution. 

Signed. " Eguia. 

" Madrid, June 11, 1818." 

On the arrival of these unfortunate men at Cadiz, the roy- 
al order just cited was strictly carried into effect, and they 
were despatched to Malaga, and the presidios on the coast 
of Africa. Their treatment was various, and depended on 
the caprice of the several commandants. To a few, it is true, 
some kindness was shown, but the majority were loaded with 
chains, and linked to a galley slave, a Spanish, or a negro ma- 
lefactor. Some were thrown into dungeons among the vilest 
criminals ; and any melioration of these scenes of cruelty, 
could only be effected by money. But the little pecuniary 
supplies which were sent to them, by benevolent Americans 
and others, from Gibraltar and Malaga, were in some instan- 
ces extorted from them by their merciless keepers, on the most 
absurd and trifling pretexts. In fact, so deplorable was then- 
situation, that many of them contemplated, and some of them 
actually succeeded in escaping to the Moors ; thereby risking 
their lives, rather than remain in the hands of the Spaniards. 

It is thus made manifest, by this unadorned narrative, that 
in despite of every principle of honour and humanity, the gal- 
lant fellows who capitulated at Soto la Marina, were not only 
deprived of most of the stipulations of that solemn capitula- 



184 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

tion, but after suffering the most horrid outrages, were at last 
condemned, by a royal decree, to indefinite or perpetual bon- 
dage, as if they had been malefactors of the worst class. 

No subtlety of policy can sanction a breach of good faith so 
inhuman and flagrant; and surely no civilized nation in the 
world, besides Spain, would at the present day openly avow, 
that she was not bound to fulfil engagements solemnly enter- 
ed into under a capitulation, which her honour was pledged 
to observe. 

The Spanish government may possibly have been author- 
ized, by some precedents in the page of history, in refusing 
to extend the principles of civilized warfare, to her subjects 
in a state of rebellion, and to the citizens and subjects of other 
nations, who were aiding them in their struggles : but when a 
capitulation was made with these banditti, (as they were call- 
ed by the royalists,) and when the royal amnesty had been 
offered to all who should submit, surely no apology can be 
found for treating such engagements and promises as mere 
delusions to gain possession of the hapless victims, who were 
credulous enough to rely on Spanish faith. 

If the breach of the capitulation of Soto la Marina stood by 
itself, a single instance of Punic faith, it is probable that the 
Spanish government could have cloaked it by some fair pre- 
text ; but when we throw back even a hasty glance over the 
record of her American history, and see the many instances 
that start forth to view of capitulations trampled upon, trea- 
ties broken, and indultos falsely proffered and cruelly violated, 
the Mexican may forget that Carthage ever existed, and hence- 
forth for Punic, adopt the stigma of Spanish faith. 

The infamous decree of the Cortes, dated the 10th of April, 
1813, appears to have been the rule of conduct which has been 
pursued by every viceroy, captain general, and commandant 
of the royal troops, from that period up to the present day. 
The decree alluded to, and which must sully the archives of 
the Cortes, so long as it remains unrepealed, contains the fol- 
lowing words : — " That it was derogatory to the majesty and 
dignity of the national congress, to confirm a capitulation made 
zvith malignant i?isur gents." 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 185 

This decree was made for the express purpose of invalidat- 
ing a solemn capitulation, which had been concluded in July, 
1812, between general Monteverde, commander of the royal 
Spanish forces in Venezuela, and general Miranda, as chief of 
the revolutionists. 

The basis of that capitulation was, that the life, property 
and person of every citizen should be held sacred ; that no 
one should be persecuted for the past ; and that a general 
oblivion and amnesty should be granted. In virtue of this 
capitulation, above four thousand revolutionists delivered up 
their arms to the royal commander ; but no sooner did Monte- 
verde find himself fixed in the seat of power, at the city of 
Caracas, than he openly avowed his determination to annul 
the capitulation. This barbarian appears to have anticipated 
the atrocious decree of the Cortes, which we have quoted, 
and seems to have been perfectly aware, that all the cruelties 
he was about to perpetrate, would be sanctioned by the boast- 
ed Spanish congress. 

As soon as the revolutionary troops were disarmed through- 
out the province, Monteverde sent parties of dissolute soldiery 
to seize on almost every respectable Creole in the province. 
They were torn from the arms of their wives and children, 
bound to horses' tails, and thus brought to the city of Caracas. 
After being exposed to the scoffs and insults of a brutal 
soldiery, they were thrown into close and damp dungeons, 
crowded together in a manner more dreadful than the victims 
who perished in the black hole of Calcutta. The streets were 
filled with unhappy wives, crying out for their husbands, mo- 
thers for their sons, and sisters for their brothers ; Monte- 
verde and his satellites rejoicing, as beholding in such a spec- 
tacle the humiliation and despair of the Creoles. Private 
property was seized in every direction; distinguished females 
were dragged to the public square ; there they were stripped 
naked, and treated in a manner most brutal. Doctor J. G. 
Roscio, who had been secretary of state under Miranda, and 
had rendered himself an object of universal esteem by the 
simplicity of his manners, the extent of his erudition, the in- 
(24) 



186 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

tegrity of his life, and the splendour of his talents devoted to 
the freedom of his native country, was loaded with chains, put 
into the stocks, and there exposed to the insults and derision of 
the European Spaniards. He was afterwards conveyed to a 
dungeon at La Guayra, until an opportunity offered to transport 
him, the venerable Canon of Chili, and other illustrious vic- 
tims, to Spain. The events of the South American revolution 
ought to afford perpetual lessons to tyrants. The sage Roscio, 
after all the vicissitudes of his life, stands on ground from 
which he may look down upon the satellites of kings. He is 
now one of the civil heads of the government of Venezuela; 
and to him the royal authorities are now offering their suppli- 
cations for a truce. The decree of the 10th of April, 1813, 
cannot be forgotten by one of its most illustrious victims. 

Above fifteen hundred Creoles of the highest respectability 
in the country, were chained in pairs, conducted to the horrid 
dungeons of La Guayra and Puerto Cavello, where, in a few 
weeks, many of them perished by suffocation and disease. While 
Monteverde was thus displaying his system of perfidy and 
revenge at the city of Caracas, his agents were pursuing the 
same measures throughout every village and town of that ex- 
tensive country. 

The catalogue of horrors committed by those agents is of 
so long and disgusting a nature, that we forbear to enter into 
a detail of them ; suffice it to say, that one of the common 
methods of punishing those who had been employed under 
Miranda, or were suspected of disaffection to the Spanish 
government, was to mutilate their persons in a manner so 
shocking, that it is necessary to have seen, as the writer has 
done, these unfortunate wretches, to believe that such horrors 
could be perpetrated, even by the most brutal savages. 

The reader will bear in mind, that these dreadful outrages, 
as well as the violation of the capitulation, are matters of such 
notoriety, that neither the Spanish government, nor its subjects, 
have ever attempted to palliate the accounts of them which 
have been published ; but, on the contrary, have not only by the 
infamous decree of the Cortes of the 10th of April, 1813, open- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 187 

ly sanctioned the violation of such capitulations, but subse- 
quently have approved of all the horrors committed by Monte- 
verde, in decreeing him high military and civil honours. 

If our limits would permit, we could furnish a long cata- 
logue of capitulations violated, and royal indultos disregarded 
by the Spanish authorities ; but we have confined ourselves to 
the two breaches of good faith in the cases of Caracas and 
Soto la Marina, because they were accompanied by such a 
flagrant departure from principles held sacred even by the 
rudest nations of the world, and by such scenes of wanton cru- 
elty exercised upon the Creoles, that every impartial reader 
must unite with us in execrating as well the government as its 
agents, who have thus dared to perform such acts in the nine- 
teenth century. 

For such enormities no common retribution can atone, and 
already thousands of Spaniards have been immolated to the spi- 
rit of retaliation excited among the Creoles, by the barbarous 
and impolitic conduct of the Spanish government ; we say im- 
politic, because such scenes have tended not only to make re- 
conciliation between the European Spaniards and the Creoles 
almost impossible at the present day, but even admitting a 
conciliation was now to take place, it can never be sincere or 
durable between the parties. We shall conclude this chapter, 
by stating a solemn proof of the extent of this spirit of retribu- 
tive vengeance among the Creoles ; and it is among the proofs 
not received solely from public documents, but to which the 
writer was an eyewitness. 

In the latter part of the year 1813, or in the beginning of that 
of 1814, general Bolivar, the republican chief of Venezuela, 
had retaken nearly the whole of the country, and had penned up 
the Spaniards in the city of Puerto Cavello. Bolivar at that 
time had in his possession above thirteen hundred European 
Spaniards prisoners. The royalists had likewise in their hands, 
at Puerto Cavello, about three hundred and Jifty Creole pri- 
soners. Notwithstanding this disproportion of numbers, Bo- 
livar repeatedly offered to deliver up the whole of his Euro- 
pean prisoners, in exchange for the three hundred and fifty 
Creoles. 



188 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

These offers were not only rejected, but Bolivar's flags of 
truce were treated with outrage, and the most insulting an- 
swers sent to his proposals. The royal commandant at Puerto 
Cavello, (his name we believe to be Istuetta,) a proud and 
obstinate Biscayan, was daily employed in shooting a given 
number of Creole prisoners, on the ramparts of Puerto Cavello, 
in full view of Bolivar and his army. The indignation excited 
by this wanton and outrageous barbarity may easily be con- 
ceived. At length Bolivar informed the commandant that if 
he persisted in refusing an exchange of prisoners, and con- 
tinued to sacrifice those under his power, a dreadful retalia- 
tion should ensue. This produced no other effect on the bar- 
barous commandant, than an insulting letter to Bolivar, de- 
claring his resolution to put to death every Creole in the 
fortress. There remained no alternative. Bolivar despatched 
an order to the governor of the city of Caracas, to execute 
every European Spaniard that was confined in that city and 
at La Guayra. This dreadful order was carried into literal and 
prompt execution, and not more than twenty or thirty of the 
European Spaniards, who were prisoners, were saved from 
the terrible sentence. 

The writer, as well as many other foreigners, was present at 
the execution of above eight hundred of these victims at La 
Guayra. They were taken out of the dungeons, and conduct- 
ed in pairs a short distance from the town, and there shot ; 
after which, their bodies were burned. Many of these unfor- 
tunate beings, who knew that their sacrifice was the result of 
the unfeeling obstinacy and cruelty of the Spanish government 
and its officers, deliberately conversed on the subject while 
walking to the place of execution, and several of them uttered 
the most horrible curses against the authors of their calamities. 

We shall now resume the narrative of Mina's operations 
at Sombrero. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION 189 



CHAPTEB VIII. 

Situation of the city of Mexico, and the measures of the vice- 
roy—Failure of the expedition of Mina against the Villa de 
Leon — Arrival of the army under Don Pasqual Lihan, he- 
fore Sombrero — Forms his line of circumvallation — Situation 
of the Fort — Commencement ofuctive operations — Detail of 
events — Sortie on the encampment of Don Pedro Celestino 
Negrete — Sally of general Mina — Detail of events — Gallant 
defence of the Fort, on the 18th of August — Evacuation of 
the Fort — Massacre of the fugitives, of the xvounded, and of 
the prisoners — Memoir of Don Pasqual Lihan. 

WHILST Mina was making his arrangements in Sombre- 
ro, opening a correspondence with the royal towns, and adopt- 
ing the best measures in his power for future military opera- 
tions, the royalists were likewise uncommonly active. The 
government of Spain had early sent orders to the viceroy, to 
abandon, if necessary, every other object, and direct all his 
exertions to the crushing of Mina. The viceroy had calcu- 
lated, that after the measures which had been previously 
adopted, the large force collected in the internal provinces 
was sufficient to overwhelm Mina. But when the news of 
the rencounter at Peotillos reached Mexico, it aroused him 
at once to a sense of his danger. The state of the capital 
was also such as to aggravate his fears ; for the city of Mex- 
ico had long abounded in men of republican principles ; but 
as the revolution unfortunately began among the most ig- 
norant and wretched population of the country, nearly all 
the intelligent part of society, for the reasons which have al- 
ready been set forth, rallied round the royal standai-d; await- 
ing the moment when the revolutionary paroxysms among the 
lower orders should subside, or some leader of more conse- 
quence than had hitherto appeared, should spring up. They 



190 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

would then have thrown their exertions into the scale of their 
country on the first favourable occasion. In Mina they at 
length beheld the man on whom they could rely. To him 
they looked as the individual who should plant the banners of 
liberty on the Mexican capital. Nor was this feeling confined 
to the Creoles. Many European Spaniards were enthusiastical- 
ly attached to Mina, and the only cause of regret was, that he 
had not brought a sufficient number of foreign troops to inspire 
confidence ; for although his name alone struck terror into the 
royal authorities, and a party in his favour was daily augment- 
ing, yet it was not in his power to hold out a certaint)^ of per- 
sonal protection. And since under a vigilant and despotic 
government, time and caution were absolutely requisite to 
form a combination ; many individuals were restrained from 
abandoning their families to the horrors which they knew must 
result from their too premature espousal of the cause of liberty. 
These considerations operated as a check on the patriotic in- 
habitants of the capital and other royal towns, but they secretly 
panted for his advance, and were prepared to join him at the 
first auspicious moment. 

So encouraged were his partisans by his extraordinary suc- 
cesses, that they met in coffee houses in the city of Mexico, 
discussed the news of the day, and betrayed their hopes and 
fears so openly, that it could not escape the notice of the go- 
vernment. Coercive measures were adopted against some 
distinguished citizens, but still the ferment in the capital did 
not subside. 

After the defeat of the royal troops at Peotillos, the vice- 
roy saw that the invasion was assuming a formidable aspect, 
and that if Mina was not immediately checked, all would be 
lost. Roused, therefore, by this critical state of affairs, he 
withdrew such of the European troops from the numerous roy- 
al cantonments whose situation would permit of it, and united 
them with the native infantry and his best Creole cavalry. 
But great as was the emergency, he could concentrate only 
about five thousand men. Upon this army hung the fate of 
the government ; and if it had been destroyed, which would 
have been the case had Padre Torres acted as he should have 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 191 

done, no similar force could have been raised. Our reasons 
for this assertion will be adduced in their proper place. 

The command of this army, destined for the overthrow of 
Mina, was conferred on Don Pasqual Linan, a mariscal de 
campo. He held likewise the distinguished rank of inspector 
general of Mexico, the officer next in rank to the viceroy. 
Linan, by rapid marches, arrived in the province of Guanaxu- 
ato, in the middle of July. Mina was accurately and regular- 
ly advised of the movements of the enemy, from their own 
towns : but, placing a firm reliance on the arrival of the supply 
of provisions, ammunition, and men, which he hourly expect- 
ed, according to the promises of Padre Torres, and having no 
doubt, likewise, that the latter, as well as the other patriot 
chiefs, would concentrate their forces to assist him, as had 
been arranged, he determined to await the arrival of Linan at 
the fort of Sombrero. Mina's force in the fort, at that time, 
had been augmented to five hundred rank and file. 

At the close of the month, information was brought to Mina, 
that the troops composing the garrison of the Villa de Leon 
had that morning marched from the town, leaving only a small 
detachment for its defence. Conceiving that this afforded him 
a good opportunity to try the character of his recruits, and strike 
a blow against the enemy, he determined to attack the place. 
The Villa de Leon is an extensive, populous, and wealthy 
town, situated in a plain, abounding with wheat fields. After 
Mina's arrival at Sombrero, the enemy, anticipating an attack 
on Leon, strengthened its works. Its garrison was likewise 
augmented to seven hundred men, who were under the com- 
mand of brigadier Don Pedro Celestino Negrete, a man famous 
in the annals of the revolution for acts of depravity and cru- 
elty. The streets leading to the principal square of the town 
were defended by a traverse, composed of a wall, with a ditch 
on the outside. This work inclosed the buildings, consisting 
of lofty churches and heavy mansions. The place had hither- 
to been considered impregnable, having baffled all the efforts 
of the patriots to take it. From their massive architecture, 
every house and church was in itself a fortification. 



192 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Mina, on the same evening that he received the information, 
after having taken every precaution to prevent intelligence of 
his design being conveyed to the enemy, marched from the 
fort with his division and some Creole cavalry, in all about 
five hundred men, and a piece of artillery. His intention was 
to take the enemy by surprise, in the night. On arriving 
within half a mile of the town, a picquet of the enemy was 
unexpectedly encountered, which fled and alarmed the garri- 
son; who, it afterwards appeared, had been strongly reenforced 
by a division of Linan's army; a circumstance of which Mina 
was totally ignorant. On arriving near the square, his troops 
were received by a heavy fire from the artillery, and musketry 
from the tops of the houses. The attack was made with vigour; 
but all attempts to carry it failed : the storming parties were 
overpowered by numbers. The Guard of Honour and regi- 
ment of the Union, succeeded, however, in dislodging the ene- 
my from a strong barrack, and took a few prisoners ; but they 
could not force their way any farther. At dawn, the general, 
finding it impracticable to carry the place, drew off his troops, 
and fell back upon the fort. So well satisfied were the enemy 
to get rid of him, that they made no attempt to harass him on 
his retreat. This was the first reverse experienced by the 
arms of Mina. It was severe : the killed and wounded were 
nearly one hundred, and among them were several foreigners. 
Some of the wounded, who could not be brought off, fell into 
the hands of the enemy, and were immediately put to death ; 
while the prisoners that Mina had taken were liberated. 

On the morning of the 30th of July, intelligence was receiv- 
ed, that the enemy were in the plain before the fort; and, soon 
after, the army of Lilian was seen ascending the heights. It 
consisted, according to their own official statements, of the 
following troops : — 

European regiment of Zaragoza, - 617 

Creole do. Toluca, - - 250 

European do. Navarre -' 463 

Amount carried forward 1330 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 193 

Amount brought forward, 1330 

Cavalry — Fieles de San Luis, San Carlos, 

Queretaro, Nueva Galicia, Co- 

lima, Sierra Gorda, and Realis- 

tas de Apan, - - 1211 

A division, under the command of colonel 

Don Juan Rafol, - - - 1000 



3541 



Ten pieces of artillery, and two howitaers. 

This statement we believe to be underrated; but, even ad- 
mitting it to be correct, it was a formidable force for the little 
garrison to contend against. Imposing, however, as appeared 
the strength of the enemy, Mina felt so confident of repulsing 
them, that he ordered a red flag to be displayed from the bat- 
tery which crowned the conical hill within the fort. 

The situation of the fortress has already been described. 
On the eminence in advance of the main entrance into the fort, 
the enemy placed in battery seven pieces of artillery, from 
four to twelve pounders, and two howitzers. There Linan 
fixed his head-quarters, with the first division of his army, 
composed of the regiment of Zaragoza, and four hundred and 
forty-eight cavalry, under the command of brigadier Loaces. 
The second division, consisting of the regiment of Toluca, 
and three hundred and eighty-four cavalry, under brigadier 
Negrete, were intrenched on the southernmost of two ridges 
projecting from the south end of the fort. In advance of his 
encampment, upon a small knoll, he threw up a redoubt of one 
gun, about long musket-shot from the fort. The third divi- 
sion, comprising the regiment of Navarra, and three hundred 
and seventy-nine cavalry, under colonel Don Jose Ruiz, were 
stationed at the watering place : and the section under Don 
Juan Rafol was employed as a corps of observation, to watch 
the movements of Padre Torres, between Leon and Guana- 
xuato. These dispositions were unquestionably skilful, and 
well calculated to cause Mina and his garrison to view seri- 
ously the coming attack : but they were strangers to appre- 
hension or despondencv. 
(25) 

% 



194 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The fort was not calculated to sustain either a formal 
siege or a vigorous assault. Padre Torres had not sent any 
of the* expected provisions ; and a supply for ten days was 
all that the fort contained. The ammunition also was defi- 
cient, but twenty-five boxes remaining. But the most serious 
evil was, that the third division of the enemy was so posted 
as to cut off all communication between the garrison and the 
water in the ravine. It was, however, hoped that this evil 
would not be seriously felt, as the rainy season had com- 
menced. The only succour which the garrison received from 
Padre Torres, was about two days previous to the arrival of 
the enemy, and consisted of sixty cavalry, under the command 
of Don Miguel Borja. The whole force of the garrison, in- 
cluding these and a party of the cavalry of Don Encarnacion 
Ortiz, did not exceed six hundred and fifty. When to these 
are added the peasantry who were employed in working par- 
ties, the women, and children, the whole number of souls in 
the fort was about nine hundred* 

At day-break of the 31st, the enemy opened a heavy fire of 
shot and shells, which continued incessantly till dark ; their 
fire being occasionally returned by the fort. This cannonading 
continued, with little intermission, during the whole of the 
siege ; and on some days, the besiegers discharged from their 
battery on the hill as many as six hundred shot and shells. 
To the besieged, this appeared a useless expenditure of am- 
munition, unless it was intended to display the great resources 
and indefatigable exertions of the enemy; for, as the principal 
buildings were under cover of the conical hill, and the others 
were in such positions as to be protected by the rocks, and as 
no one moved from his covert unless compelled by duty, the 
fire of the enemy was ineffectual, their shot falling harmless 
among the rocks, or flying entirely over the fort. Indeed, 
their artillery was so unskilfully served, that it annoyed then- 
own works on the south side. This random firing continued 
for several days, without any casualty occurring, except among 
the horses which were roaming about the fort. 

The enemy undoubtedly flattered himself with the hope of 
making an easy conquest of the fort, expecting that the first 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 195 

assault would produce a surrender. At two o'clock A. M. on 
the 5th of August, a spirited attack was made upon the fort, at 
three points which were considered assailable : but it failed, and 
the enemy were compelled to retire, with some loss. In this 
affair, the general, who commanded in person at the main en- 
trance, displayed his usual intrepidity. With a lance in his 
hand, he was foremost in withstanding the enemy, and receiv- 
ed a slight wound. 

But now another circumstance created more serious uneasi- 
ness than the assaults of the enemy. The communication with 
the ravine, on which the garrison was entirely dependent for 
water, had been totally cut off, by the third division of the 
enemy, who had intrenched themselves in an impregnable posi- 
tion close to the watering place, and who at night posted a chain 
of videttes along the ravine. Mina, as well as Moreno, had 
calculated that it was practicable to cover the watering parties 
from the fort; and to have anticipated this disaster, by pre- 
serving water within the fort, was impossible, as there was 
but one small tank, capable of holding no more than was suffi- 
cient for a few hours' supply. As the rainy season had com- 
menced, it had been supposed that the garrison would not 
suffer for want of water. All these expectations were disap- 
pointed: for the watering parties, which were sent out nightly, 
generally returned without having succeeded in their attempt, 
or with such a partial supply as was of no adequate use ; and, 
although it constantly rained around, yet no rain fell in the fort. 
The watering parties being obliged to descend to the rivulet 
down the declivity of a very deep barranca, which rendered 
it impossible to conduct these sallies with any degree of order, 
the enemy were always apprized of their approach, and of 
course prepared to resist them. Hence it was, that no supplies 
of any consequence could be obtained. Those who have not 
seen the Mexican barrancas, can scarcely form an idea of the 
difficulties they present at every step. Abounding in immense 
rocks, precipices, and thick bushes, it is impossible to conduct 
any military enterprise with compactness and order. 

The small quantity of water which each individual had col- 
lected on the first appearance of the enemy, had been soon 



196 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

expended. The only well in the fort, which was at the house 
of Don Pedro Moreno, had never contained water. All the 
stagnant water in the crevices around the fort, was consumed. 
The horrors of thirst became dreadful. Recourse was had to 
some wild celery, which luckily grew around the fort : it was 
plucked, at the risk of life. But these were only partial alle- 
viations. Some of the people were four days without tasting 
a drop of water. 

The situation of the garrison was fast approaching to a 
crisis. The troops at their posts were hourly becoming less 
capable of exertion, from the severity of their sufferings. 
Horses and cattle were wandering about, in the greatest dis- 
tress. The cries of children, calling on their unhappy mothers 
for water, gave to the scene of suffering peculiar horror. The 
countenance of the general showed how deeply he sympathized 
in the sufferings of his associates : but he cheered them with 
the hope that the God of nature would not abandon them ; he 
pointed to the heavy clouds with which the atmosphere was 
loaded, as the source from which relief would speedily be ob- 
tained ; and such was the effect that Mina's example and con- 
soling observations inspired, that each individual strove to vie 
with another in bearing with fortitude the severity of his dis- 
tress. With anxious expectation, they marked the approach 
of the heavily charged clouds, hoping that the predictions of 
a supply from them would soon be verified. Every vessel 
was ready to receive the grateful showers. The women 
brought out the images of their saints, supplicating their inter- 
vention for that relief which Heaven only could bestow. The 
clouds covered the fort: no sound was heard, amidst the gene- 
ral anxiety of the wretched garrison, save the thunder of the 
enemy's artillery, whose troops, with savage exultation, looked 
down on the besieged from their position on the hill. The 
flattering clouds passed slowly over the fort, — the moment 
was anxiously looked for, which was to ease their sufferings; 
— a few drops fell; — anxiety was wrought up to the highest 
pitch ; — but the clouds passed, and burst at a short distance 
from them ! Language is inadequate to describe the emotions 
of despair w r hich at that moment were depicted on every 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 197 

countenance in the fort. For several days the clouds conti- 
nued thus to pass, without discharging a single drop on the 
parched garrison, who had the cruel mortification of seeing 
their enemies frequently drenched with rain, and the large lake 
of Lagos constantly in view. Such were the trials experienc- 
ed at this ill-fated spot. At length, after a lapse of four days, 
a slight shower fell. Every article capable of containing the 
desired fluid was in readiness, and in spite of the incessant 
fire of the enemy, a supply was collected, sufficient to yield a 
temporary relief to the suffering garrison. A small supply was 
collected in reserve. 

The bread stuff, which it had been impossible to use, for 
want of water, now became serviceable ; and the troops were 
invigorated. Many of the Creole recruits, during the late 
scene of distress, had made their escape, which had considera- 
blv diminished the numbers of the garrison. 

During this time, Padre Torres had marched from Reme- 
dios with a body of troops, and a small supply of provisions ; 
but advancing with his accustomed carelessness, he fell into 
an ambush, laid by the enemy near Silao. His troops made 
scarcely any opposition, and were soon dispersed ; every one 
fleeing to his home. The Padre made his way back to Reme- 
dios. The provisions were at some distance in the rear, and 
escaped falling into the hands of the enemy. No further at- 
tempts were made by the Padre to succour the fort, although 
he knew that it must inevitably fall, if not speedily relieved. 
All his promises to Mina were thus forgotten, or deliberately 
violated. The enemy, notwithstanding their vast superiority, 
had met with such an unexpected repulse in their late assault, 
that they declined making another attempt, and directed all 
their attention to reduce the fort by famine; well knowing that 
without water or provisions, it could not hold cut long. To 
prevent the introduction of supplies, as well as the retreat of 
the garrison, they stationed picquets of cavalry, in all directions 
about the fort. Nevertheless, some resolute men did bring in 
a few articles every night, but they were supplies not very 
essential to the garrison. The enemy still kept up an inces- 
sant fire from the hill, and by stationing some light troops 



198 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

among the rocks, considerably annoyed the besieged ; but 
very little loss resulted, from the reasons already mentioned. 
The posts could only be relieved at night, and even then the 
danger was great, from occasional random discharges of grape 
shot from the hill. The ammunition of the besieged was fast 
diminishing, and could only afford occasional discharges ; but 
as the foreigners, particularly the American citizens, were far 
superior marksmen to the enemy, many of their skirmishers 
were killed. 

In the meantime, the enemy occasionally held conferences 
with the garrison. Some of the Spanish officers, who had 
been intimate with Mina in Spain, advanced to the walls of 
the fort to see him. They used every possible argument to 
induce Mina to accept the royal amnesty. They urged in 
support of it, his forlorn situation, and the impossibility that 
relief could be given him. Mina answered them with frank- 
ness, and explained the motives which had induced him to 
espouse his cause, and concluded by informing them, that his 
determination was taken to conquer or die. They parted on 
the most friendly terms ; the officers expressing their regret 
at his inflexibility. A momentary cessation of hostilities 
having taken place, upon the return of the officers to then- 
posts, the action was renewed. 

Three nights after the attempt by the enemy to enter the 
fort, Mina, with two hundred and forty men, made a sortie on 
the encampment of Negrete. The remains of the Guard of 
Honour and regiment of the Union, thirty in number, all 
Americans, with the general at their head, surprised and car- 
ried the redoubt thrown up on the knoll. The main body of 
the enemy, which was encamped some distance in the rear, 
was alarmed, and on the alert before the Americans could 
reach them. Had they been properly supported by their 
Creole companions, something important might have been ac- 
complished. But the Creoles would not advance ; thus leav- 
ing the Americans to sustain a sharp conflict, until; overpow- 
ered by numbers, they were obliged to retreat to the fort. 
This was effected under a heavy fire from the enemy, which 
killed and wounded several. Among them were eleven of 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 199 

the little band of foreigners. Some of the wounded men could 
not be brought off, and therefore fell into the hands of the 
enemy. And it will scarcely be thought possible, but such was 
the fact, that the atrocious commanding officer, having ordered 
those wounded men to be carried in full view of the fort, caus- 
ed them to be strangled in the sight of their commiserating 
and enraged comrades, whose attention had been cruelly at- 
tracted to the scene. Their bodies, stripped of their clothes, 
were thrown down the precipice of the barranca, to become the 
feast of vultures. * 

The general now saw, that unless some speedy external re- 
lief was afforded, the fall of the fort was inevitable ; and find- 
ing that Torres fulfilled none of the promises he had made, nor 
was making any diversion in his favour, he took the bold 
determination of going in person, to endeavour to procure the 
necessary assistance which he still flattered himself would be 
furnished by Torres. Accordingly, the night after the sortie 
on Negrete, he left the fort, accompanied by only three com- 
panions ; his aid, Don Miguel Borja, and Don Encarnacion 
Ortiz ; leaving colonel Young in command of the garrison. 
They eluded, but with difficulty, the vigilance of the enemy. 
Mina, in a short time, made attempts to throw some water 
and provisions into the fort ; but having with him only a few 
cavalry of Ortiz, he was defeated in his object, by the number 
and vigilance of the enemy. 

Mina had likewise the deep mortification of soon ascertain- 
ing, that all the statements of Torres, about the troops he 
could concentrate, were a mere fiction ; or rather, that he had 
made no effort to effect the concentration which he easily 
could have done. All hopes of succour from Torres were 
vain. Under these circumstances, the general sent an order 
to colonel Young to draw off the garrison. 

Meanwhile, the enemy prosecuted the siege with vigour. 
The cannonading was incessant by day, and continued occa- 
sionally at night. A few of the besieged wei"e killed, and 
several wounded. The stock of water collected from the last 
shower was exhausted, and the sufferings of the garrison, as 
well from hunger as thirst, again became intolerable. Several 



200 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

clays had elapsed without water. The children were expiring 
from thirst ; many of the adults had become delirious, and had 
resorted to the last and most disgusting of all human expedi- 
ents, to allay for a moment the torments of thirst; while some 
few, driven to madness, would steal down at night to the 
rivulet, and flying from the death of thirst, receive it at the 
hands of their enemies. At this juncture, a generous trait 
was manifested by the enemy. They were moved to pity at 
the dreadful situation of the women, and allowed them to 
descend to the water and drink, but would not permit them to 
carry any up to the fort. This solitary act of humanity was 
however rather a "rusede guerre," as the enemy, by this 
means, obtained from the women correct information of the 
state of things in the fort, and finally, on one occasion observ- 
ing a large number of women at the watering place, with 
characteristic perfidy they seized them, and sent them as 
prisoners to the town of Leon. 

The besieged were suffering not only the extremity of thirst, 
but their provisions were nearly all consumed. Every weed 
around the fort was plucked, and some of the men imagined 
they found relief by chewing lead. The flesh of horses, asses 
and dogs, furnished a partial resource. 

The stench of the animals which had died for want of food, 
or from the enemy's shot, and the dead bodies of the enemy 
which were suffered to lie unburied, caused such a dreadful 
state of the atmosphere, as to be almost insupportable. Large 
flocks of vultures, attracted by the dismal scene, were con- 
stantly hovering over the fort, and fortunately diminished an 
evil, which otherwise could not have been borne. 

Their sufferings having become intolerable, many of the 
troops deserted, so that not more than a hundred and fifty ef- 
fective men remained. The ammunition was so far expended 
as only to admit of very partial firing. The guns had been 
for some time served with the enemy's shot ; which, dug out 
at night from the rubbish outside of the fort, was fired back 
to them in the morning. 

The unutterable sufferings of the garrison induced some of 
the officers to entreat colonel Young to send a flag of truce to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 201 

know what terms of capitulation the enemy would enter into. 
The colonel was decidedly opposed to the measure, but was 
so importuned by the garrison that he unwillingly consented 
to it ; telling them to remember that the act was at variance 
with his judgment. 

The flag of truce returned with the answer of Lifian, that 
the foreigners must surrender at discretion, and that the na- 
tives should receive the benefit of the royal amnesty. When 
this answer was reported to colonel Young, he said, it was no 
more than he expected, and that he hoped that none of the 
garrison would thenceforth speak to him about capitulating 
with an enemy, from whom neither mercy nor honour was to 
be expected. 

The enemy, amongst other operations, had latterly directed 
their fire against the front wall ; and as it was built of unbaked 
bricks and loose stones, the shells that entered it buried them- 
selves therein, and exploding, did irreparable damage to the 
work. The wall was thus destroyed, and its rubbish so filled up 
the ditch, as to form a fair, broad passage into the fort. The 
breaches hitherto made in the wall had been repaired at night; 
but it was now so completely battered down, that any further 
attempts to repair it were useless. A work was therefore 
thrown up within it. In fact, the fort, as well from that cause, 
as the want of ammunition, the reduced strength of the garri- 
son, and the wretchedness of its defenders from hunger and 
thirst, was no longer tenable, and colonel Young determined 
upon its evacuation. While arrangements for that purpose were 
making on the evening of the 17th, the colonel repaired to the 
quarters of Don Pedro Moreno, to concert the plan of the sally. 
There he found Don Pedro, with several of his Creole officers, 
and major Mauro, who then commanded the cavalry of the di- 
vision. They told the colonel that the fort could yet be defend- 
ed, and that they would do it themselves, without the aid of 
the Americans. Colonel Young, piqued at the ridiculous con- 
duct'of major Mauro, resolved to defer the evacuation. 

The conduct of Don Pedro, during the siege, had been 
base in the extreme. He did not take an active part in the 
(26) 



202 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

defence ; and, while the garrison was suffering from hunger 
and thirst, he was living in comparative luxury, upon supplies 
he had preserved in his house. Some trifling succours, as we 
before observed, had been brought into the fort: he speculated 
on such part of them as he thought proper, and the residue 
only he permitted the importers to vend. He would not even 
allow the swine that he had about his house to be killed, for 
the use of the men who were defending his country, himself, 
and his family. During their severe privations, he retailed, 
at an exorbitant price, pork, lard, sugar, cigars, and even some 
water which he had collected in the shower. It was therefore 
a general opinion, that the resistance of this man to the sally, 
at the time it was proposed, was merely made to gain time to 
skulk off with his money. With such chiefs as this man, and 
Padre Torres, were Mina and his brave officers and men fated 
to act, at this critical juncture. 

Colonel Young having determined to defend the fort to the 
last, declared that he would be the last man to leave it ; and 
to this resolution he fell a sacrifice. 

On the 18th, the sound of the enemy's bugles echoed through 
the barranca, and announced some movement of the besiegers. 
Their infantry at the watering place, and at the south end of 
the fort, were observed to be forming, and it was supposed an 
assault was impending. Preparations for defence were made 
by the besieged, who, although greatly diminished in numbers, 
and emaciated by severe privations, yet resolved to prevent 
the entrance of the enemy, or die in the breach. Colonel 
Young, ever on the alert, made the most of his handful of 
troops. Sixty men were placed for the defence of the front 
wall; and the remaining few were so arranged as to be pre- 
pared to meet the assailants at the several points at which an 
entrance might be gained. Some of the few females who still 
remained, aware of the horrors to which they would be ex- 
posed should the enemy succeed, cheerfully flew to reenforce 
the several positions, armed with missile weapons. 

At one o'clock, the enemy sounded the advance from his 
head-quarters, which was repeated by his respective divisions. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. . 203 

Soon after, a strong column appeared on the hill, marching 
down ; at the same time, the division at the watering place 
ascended the hill, threatening the east side ; while the other 
division, at the south end, marched up the hill, carrying scal- 
ing ladders. The enemy boldly advanced along the causeway 
to the breach, under cover of a heavy fire from their battery 
on the hill, and in face of the galling fire of the garrison from 
the two flanking works. When within a few paces, the heavy 
fire they encountered compelled them to halt : unavailing were 
the endeavours of their officers to get them up to the breach ; 
they retreated in the utmost disorder. At the other points of 
attack, they were equally unsuccessful. At the south end, the 
hill being very steep, they ascended with difficulty, and soon 
became exhausted; and, as they approached, a destructive fire 
was opened upon them, while the women rolled down huge 
masses of stone. No longer able to withstand so vigorous and 
unexpected an opposition, they withdrew their forces, having 
sustained a severe loss. 

At that moment, a copious shower of rain fell : it was the 
first which had refreshed the garrison for many days. The 
enemy conceived that this was a propitious moment to renew 
the assault, presuming that as the fire-arms would be rendered 
unserviceable from the rain, superior numbers would enable 
them to force their way into the fort. Again their martial 
instruments sounded the advance. The column again moved 
forward, and approached the breach with a scaling ladder, dis- 
playing a black flag, as a symbol of the fate which awaited the 
besieged. Fire-arms could not now be used on either side, 
The enemy continued to press on, and were opposed only by 
missile weapons. Fortunately, at this moment, the rain ceased. 
The defenders of the works were invigorated by the shower ; 
and, when the fire-arms could be used, again commenced a 
well-directed fire. The bearers of the scaling ladder were 
killed. The enemy, urged on by their officers, still continued 
to advance ; but, within a few yards of the breach, they re- 
ceived such a galling discharge, that they again broke, flying 
for shelter among the rocks and bushes, where they remained 
until night enabled them to retire. 



204 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

In this affair, the garrison suffered a severe loss, but parti- 
cularly in the death of the gallant colonel Young, who glori- 
ously fell, in the moment of victory. On the enemy's last 
retreat, the colonel, anxious to observe all their movements, 
fearlessly exposed his person, by stepping on a large stone on 
the ramparts ; and, while conversing with Dr. Hennessey on 
the successes of the dav, and on the dastardly conduct of the 
enemy, the last shot that was fired from their battery carried 
off his head. Colonel Young was an officer whom, next to 
Mina, the American part of the division had been accustomed 
to respect and admire. In every action, he had been conspi- 
cuous for his daring courage and skill. Mina reposed un- 
bounded confidence in him. In the hour of danger, he was 
collected, gave his orders with precision, and, sword in hand, 
was always in the hottest of the combat. Honour and firm- 
ness marked all his actions. He was generous in the extreme, 
and endured privations with a cheerfulness superior to that of 
any other officer in the division. He had been in the United 
States' service, as lieutenant colonel of the twenty-ninth regi- 
ment of infantry. His body was interred, by the few Ameri- 
cans who could be spared from duty, with every possible mark 
of honour and respect; and the general gloom which pervaded 
the division on this occasion, was the sincerest tribute that 
could be offered by them to the memory of their brave chief. 

The command of the division now devolved on lieutenant 
colonel Bradburn. Hopes were indulged by the garrison, that 
the enemv, finding they could not carry the place by storm, 
would raise the siege. But the enemy were too well aware of 
the miserable state of the garrison, to allow such a prize as 
Mina's officers to escape them. They had likewise found, by 
the extraordinary defence of the fort, that it contained a body 
of men highly dangerous to the royal cause ; and it was sup- 
posed that if Mina could be deprived of his foreign troops, he 
would then be incapable of causing the royalists further seri- 
ous annoyance. 

The enemy, on the following day, evinced not the least in- 
dication of raising the siege. And the provisions and am- 
munition being entirely exhausted, it became impossible to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 205 

hold possession of the fort any longer. The abandonment of it 
was therefore resolved upon; and, every preparation having 
been made, it was determined that it should take place on the 
night of the 19th. 

On examining the state of the treasury, it was found that 
there remained in it only about eighteen thousand dollars. 
This comparatively small amount was caused by the encroach- 
ments that had been made on the funds, by the sums paid 
Torres for provisions; the amount that had been expended for 
clothing ; a sum that had been paid Don Pedro Moreno ; an 
amount that had been taken in doubloons by the general, for 
the purpose of procuring provisions ; and a sum that had been 
given to Don Pedro, on the night of the 17th, when arrange- 
ments had been made for a sally, which money was carried 
out by the peasantry. These were the causes which had re- 
duced the specie on hand to the sum before mentioned, which 
amount, together with some spare arms and artillery, were 
buried ; the limbers of the latter were burned, and shot ram- 
med tightly into the guns. 

Every thing being in readiness, the garrison prepared to 
evacuate the fort. A trying scene then took place. The ne- 
cessity of abandoning the unfortunate wounded, whom, from 
the nature of the barranca over which it was necessary to pass, 
it was impossible to carry out, was imperious. The hospital 
was filled with these victims, the majority of whom were the 
officers and men who had accompanied Mina from Soto la 
Marina : they were incapable of bodily exertion, the limbs of 
the most part being broken. The parting with such men, who 
had fought so bravely, and who were so devoted to the cause 
they had espoused, was a heart-rending scene. Some antici- 
pated the fate that awaited them, and entreated their friends 
to terminate their existence ; some indulged hopes of mercy 
from the Spaniards; while others, overwhelmed with grief and 
despair, covered their faces, and were unable to bid what they 
considered a final adieu. 

At eleven o'clock at night, colonel Bradburn proceeded with 
the division to the appointed spot, whence the sally was to be 
made. The route chosen was through the barranca before de- 



206 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

scribed, and was the only direction by which there was any 
chance of escape. On arriving at the rendezvous, colonel 
Bradburn was surprised to find that Don Pedro, who had 
reached there first, had imprudently permitted the women and 
children to precede the march. They soon got into confusion, 
and by their screams alarmed the enemy; and thus apprized 
them of what was in agitation. From the difficulty which the 
barranca presented, it was impracticable for the troops to re- 
main formed in their march, and from this cause, as well as 
the darkness of the night, they soon dispersed; every one ex- 
ploring his path, and endeavouring to take care of himself. 

In the bottom of the barranca, the picquets and sentries of 
the enemy were encountered ; with whom a continual skir- 
mishing prevailed. Many of the fugitives dropped down from 
weakness ; others were shot by the random fire of the enemy. 
The screams of the women, the reports of the enemy's mus- 
kets, the cries of those who fell, the groans of the wounded, 
and the intense dai-kness which reigned around, gave to the 
scene indescribable horror. Some few were so dismayed, par- 
ticularly of the females, that they returned to the fort ; pre- 
ferring the chance of a pardon to the risk of that destruction 
which then seemed inevitable. The greater part, however, 
by the dawn, had gained the opposite summit of the barranca. 
Here, many of them flattered themselves, the danger was over ; 
but the foreigners, being ignorant of the topography of the 
place, were uncertain which way to direct their course, fear- 
ing that every step might place them in the power of the ene- 
my. They marched on as chance directed them, in parties of 
two, three, or six, Soon after day-light, they were beset by 
parties of the enemy's cavalry, who had been ordered along 
the summit of the barranca, as soon as it was known that the 
garrison had evacuated the fort. Another scene of horror be- 
gan : — the enemy's cavalry rushed in among the flying and 
kneeling individuals. No quarter was given. Cut to pieces 
by the sword, or perforated with lances, the greater part of the 
fugitives were destroyed. The few who escaped, among 
whom was Don Pedro Moreno, owed their preservation to the 
dense and foggy state of the atmosphere. The clothes and 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 207 

money found on the victims, were looked upon as prizes by 
the cavalry soldiers, who for that reason preferred the killing 
to making prisoners of them ; for if they had spared their 
lives, and conducted them as prisoners to head-quarters, the 
booty would not have been so great, as, in that case, they might 
have lost the clothes. 

The next morning, the enemy entered the deserted fort in 
triumph. Then ensued a tragedy, by the orders of the infu- 
riated Linan, which it is in vain to attempt to depict in colours 
sufficiently strong. The hospital, as we have before observed, 
was filled with wounded; a large majority of whom were fo- 
reigners, principally Americans. 

Those who could hobble to the square, a few paces distant, 
were made to do so, while those whose fractured limbs would 
not permit them to move, were inhumanly dragged along the 
ground to the fatal spot. There stood the ferocious Linan, 
feasting on the spectacle. Regardless of their miserable situa- 
tion, of their former gallant conduct, of the clemency and re- 
spect which they had shown to royalist prisoners ;~"-unmindful 
of all these considerations, he ordered them to be stripped of 
all their clothes, and shot down, one by one. 

Linan occupied three days in compelling the other prisoners 
that were found in the fort, to demolish the works ; which 
being effected, he ordered them to be brought to the square 
and there shot. One of the prisoners, just before he was shot, 
discovered the place where the treasure and other articles 
were buried, but this information could not save his life. 

Thus terminated the siege of Sombrero. Out of the two 
hundred and sixty-nine men who had entered the fort with 
Mina, fifty only escaped. 

Linan, after having completed the destruction of the fort, 
returned to Villa de Leon, exulting in the exploits which he had 
performed. It may not be amiss to give a short sketch of his 
origin and career, from the information we have derived from 
respectable sources, — from some Spanish European officers. 
Pasqual Linan, at the time that Ferdinand entered France, 
was a soldier in the ranks. He followed the king in the papa- 



208 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

city of a servant, and remained with him till his return to 
Spain. Ferdinand became much attached to him ; and, de- 
sirous of displaying his generosity to Lilian, for the services 
he had rendered him, requested him to name the manner in 
which he could best requite his fidelity. " Make me a ma- 
riscal de campo," said Linan. The king, although perhaps 
surprised at such a request, was at the same time so pleased 
with the manner in which Lilian had made it, that he said 
" Muy bien." Accordingly, to the astonishment of the Span- 
ish officers, Pasqual Linan was created a mariscal de campo, 
and sent to Mexico, as inspector general. He is deficient in 
education, and although his personal appearance is imposing, 
his manners are so coarse, and his conversation so illiterate, 
that he disgusts those of both sexes who have any intercourse 
with him. He is hated and despised by his subaltern officers, 
and although they allow he has animal courage, yet they can 
discover in him no other than this, almost the least, requisite 
for a commander in chief. During the siege of Sombrero, he 
never moved from his head-quarters. He trusted to other 
officers, entirely, for the planning and execution of all the ope- 
rations. 

It would be neither just nor generous to infer from the con- 
duct of Linan, that his officers approved of his sanguinary 
measures, nor do we wish that conclusions should be drawn 
against the Spanish character, generally, because many of the 
agents of its barbarous and vindictive government have acted 
like the monster Linan. We have seen many Spanish officers, 
whose humane, generous, and noble feelings, would have done 
honour to any country. 

Those attached to the European regiments under Lilian's 
orders, particularly interfered to stop his cruel proceedings. 
They begged him to defer the execution of the prisoners, until 
he consulted the viceroy. Although they found him inexorable, 
they continued urging the point to the last moment, openly 
expressing their abhorrence of his savage acts. We after- 
wards understood, that a pardon for the prisoners did actually 
arrive from Mexico ; but it was too late, for their blood had 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 209 

already satiated the vengeance of the brutal Lifian. Upon his 
head therefore rests the wanton slaughter of the gallant foreign- 
ers and others, who fell into his hands ; and to him do we im- 
pute the horrors which marked the conquest of Sombrero. 

The Spanish officers speak in terms of the strongest indig- 
nation and disgust of the dreadful scenes committed by this 
man, and even the citizens of his own politics, who have had 
any public transactions with him, hold him in fear and abhor- 
rence. He is at present, we believe, in the city of Vera Cruz, 
of which province he is governor. His conduct there has 
been so base, and so scandalous^ as to cover him with the 
odium not only of the inhabitants generally, but even of his 
own countrymen. 



(27) 



210 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 



CHAPTER IX. 

General Mina proceeds to the fort of Los Remedios— -Arrival of 
some of the fugitives there from Sombrero- — •Description of 
the fort of Los Remedios, or San Gregorio — Advance of 
Lihan against the fort — Mina marches out, -with nine hun- 
dred men — Description of these troops — A reflection of great 
importance to the United States — Meeting of the general 
zvith the remnant of his division, near the Tlachiquera — 
Siege laid to Los Remedios — Mina advances against, and 
takes Biscocho — Execution of the garrison — Advance against, 
and capture of, San Luis de la Paz — Clemency of Mina to- 
wards the garrison — Attack on San Miguel — Retreat there- 
from, and arrival at the Valle de Santiago — A description of 
it — Continuation of events connected with Mind's movements 
- — Disgraceful conduct of Padre Torres — Continuation of 
events at the fort — Repulse of the enemy- — Sortie on one of 
his batteries— Mind's operations continued — Flight of the 
patriots from the field at La Caxa — Mina visits Xauxilla, 
and thence proceeds to the Valle de Santiago — Skirmish with 
Orrantia, and Mind's arrival at La Caxa. 

BAFFLED in every effort to succour Sombrero, Mina 
remained for several days in the mountains in its neighbour- 
hood, with a small body of cavalry. Having sent several 
messages to Padre Torres, to urge him to order up troops for 
the relief of the fort, or to cover the movements of its garrison, 
but receiving only trifling and evasive answers, he resolved 
to repair to the head-quarters of Torres, and there personally 
incite that chieftain to the performance of his engagements. 
Taking with him, therefore, an escort of one hundred of the 
cavalry of Ortiz, he proceeded to Los Remedios, on the 17th, 
two days prior to the evacuation and fall of Sombrero. The 
road lay across the plain of Silao. While crossing it, between 
the town of that name and the Villa de Leon, he encountered 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 211 

a body of two hundred of the enemy's cavalry. Mina, with 
his usual gallantry and skill, led his men into action, and in 
a few minutes put the enemy to flight, with some loss. They 
lost their commander, who was dragged off his horse by a 
lazo* and killed. 

Mina, upon his arrival at Los Remedios, found Padre Torres 
assiduously engaged in strengthening his position, in victual- 
ling it, and making every preparation against the siege which 
he anticipated would be laid to it, after the reduction of 
Sombrero. He had taken none of the steps that he had 
promised, and which he ought to have taken, to afford as- 
sistance to Sombrero. Under the direction of Mina,- the aid 
he could have given might have prevented the accomplish- 
ment of the plans of the enemy, and might probably havered 
to their destruction. At the pressing solicitations of Mina, 
Torres issued an order to some of his commandants to repair 
as soon as possible with their troops to Los Remedios ; but 

* Lazo is the name of the rope, for the use of which the Spanish Ameri- 
cans are so justly celebrated. In rustic life, it is usually applied to the 
purpose of catching the stock of various kinds on a farm. A child of five or 
six years old, commences his experiments with a piece of packthread, and 
exercises his ingenuity on the poultry about the house : afterwards, he at- 
tacks the pigs ; and as he grows up, he ventures to throw his lazo upon 
calves and colts ; and thus, by the time he arrives at manhood, he has learn- 
ed to use it with astonishing precision. It is a well made rope, of about an 
inch in circumference, and in length from ten to fifteen yards. 

Wild cattle are caught by peasants, mounted on horses trained for that 
express purpose ; and, to be broken and trained to it, is one of the impor- 
tant requisites of a Mexican horse. Since the revolution, the lazo has been 
often resorted to, among a flying enemy. An expert thrower will strike his 
object almost to a certainty, at a distance of from eight to ten yards. The 
instant a horse trained to the service, finds that the rope has taken, he will 
suddenly stop, although at full speed ; then wheeling on his haunches, sets 
off in a full gallop in the opposite direction. The effect is irresistible. The 
man is instantly brought to the ground. If it be upon cattle that the lazo 
is thrown, the flight of the animal is instantly arrested ; and he is obliged 
to follow the horse, or choke. With the greatest ease, a peasant will throw 
the lazo round the horns or legs of a bull, and thus keep the wildest and 
most vicious animal in subjection, without losing his seat. The constant 
use of the lazo, from early infancy, oan alone account for the extraordinary 
dexterity he displays in casting it. 



212 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

alas ! this order was issued too late to be of use to Sombrero. 
For while they were collecting, advices of the disaster of the 
fort, reached Los Remedios. This event affected the general 
deeply. It was difficult for him to conceal his conflicting 
emotions of sorrow, for many of his brave companions, who 
he presumed had fallen in the struggle ; and of indignation, at 
the shameful neglect of Torres in not having made seasonable 
exertions in favour of Sombrero. He preserved, however, 
his usual serenity, well knowing, that either reproaches or 
despondency must produce bad effects at the then juncture of 
affairs. 

A few of Mina's officers and men reached Los Remedios, and 
from them he obtained details of the disaster that had befallen 
them; but of the extent of the loss he was still uninformed. 
He despatched several persons to seek out the foreigners, and 
conduct them to him. Thirty-one only were found ; but, 
nevertheless, Mina still indulged the hope, that as the sally 
had been effected at night by the barranca, the rest of the 
troops might have gained the mountains near Sombrero, where 
they would be taken care of by the cavalry of Ortiz. 

Advices also reached the fort, that Liiian, flushed with his 
late success, was advancing with reenforcements against Los 
Remedios. This movement of his was anticipated, but it was 
likewise supposed that it would be the close of his career. 
This opinion was founded upon the strength of the fort, and 
the arrangements made for hai'assing the enemy. 

The fort of Los Remedios, or as it is called by the royalists, 
San Gregorio, was situated on a lofty, though not extensive 
range of mountains, rising abruptly out of the delightful plains 
of Penjamo and Silao, in the province of Guanaxuato ; being 
distant from the city of that name south-south-west about 
twelve leagues, from Sombrero south about eighteen, and 
from Penjamo east-north-east four leagues. From the plain, 
the road wound up the declivities of the mountain, (and in 
some places it was remarkably steep) by a ridge, for a distance 
of nearly two miles to the highest elevation of the fort called 
Tepeaca. From that point the hill again descended, widen- 
ing a considerable distance into the heart of the mountain, to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 213 

the extremity of the fort which was denominated Pansacola. 
The ascent was not fortified either by nature or art until 
arriving at a place called La Cueva, at about one-third of its 
height from the plain; whence the road continued, by a difficult, 
narrow, and, in places, very steep ridge, up to Tepeaca. On 
the left of La Cueva, the ridge was skirted by a tremendous 
precipice of from one to two hundred feet perpendicular height; 
which continued on that side of the fort, with little variation, 
to Pansacola. On the right of La Cueva, the ridge was like- 
wise bounded by a precipice, to within a few paces of a small 
work called Santa Rosalia. From the termination of this 
precipice, a wall of three feet in thickness extended up to 
Tepeaca. Between these two points the ascent of the barranca 
was easy, and from thence to Pansacola, it was naturally de- 
fended by a continuation of bold, elevated, and broken ground. 
At' this place there was a small passage into the fort, but the 
precipices made the access to it very dangerous. In short, 
the whole of the fort, with the exception of the small entrance 
at Pansacola, and that part on the right of the road ascending 
to Tepeaca, in the vicinity of the work of Santa Rosalia, was 
surrounded by a continuance of awful precipices, forming bar- 
rancas immensely deep, and from one to three hundred yards 
in width ; and it was at these places only, or at the gate at La 
Cueva that an entrance could possibly be gained into the fort. 
At La Cueva, where the ridge ascending into the fort was only 
thirty feet in breadth, a traverse wall was thrown up on which 
were mounted two guns. The work next above La Cueva was 
a small half-moon battery of one gun called Santa Rosalia, 
which raked the wall up to the next battery called La Libertad. 
This was a work of two guns, which enfiladed the space down 
to Santa Rosalia. Above La Libertad was a small one gun 
battery, and above it Santa Barbara, a battery of two guns, 
which commanded the others ; while Tepeaca, mounting two 
guns, crowned the whole, commanding the barranca, and the 
heights' on its opposite side; but, from its great elevation, 
it did not command the works of the fort. Across the only 
weak part of Pansacola a breastwork was thrown up, merely 



214 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

to cover infantry, as the difficulties of its approach rendered 
it secure, if defended by a few steady troops. 

One height, in front of Pansacola, commanded the fort, and 
likewise a hill, opposite to Tepeaca ; but, from the difficulty 
of ascending the latter, owing to its extraordinary steepness, 
Torres, and colonel Noboa who had examined it, considered 
it was impossible to transport artillery to that summit. In 
fact, the strength of this fort, whose natural advantages were 
so much improved by art, seemed to warrant the opinion, that, 
protected by a garrison of resolute men, it would be impreg- 
nable. 

Within the fort, near Pansacola, was a well affording a con- 
stant supply of water that had never yet been found deficient 
even in seasons of drought; there was likewise a large rivulet 
which ran through the barranca on the left of the fort, and 
washed the feet of the precipices. This stream, during the 
rainy season, and for two or three months afterwards, yielded 
abundance of water. It was therefore deemed impracticable 
to deprive the garrison of a supply of water. The fort was 
victualled with twenty thousand fane gas (about one and a 
half bushel English measure to the fanega) of Indian corn, ten 
thousand of wheat, a large quantity of flour, six hundred head 
of cattle, txvo thousand sheep or goats, and three hundred large 
hogs. The supply of ammunition was considerable, besides 
a quantity of nitre, sulphur, iron, copper, and lead. The gar- 
rison of the fort consisted of about fifteen hundred troops, of 
whom three hundred had been trained for infantry by colonel 
Noboa, and were under tolerable discipline. The rest of the 
troops formed a motly group, undisciplined, but brave. 

When Mina arrived at the fort, its works were in many 
parts defective ; but, by the exertions of his officers, and four- 
teen hundred peasantry who were kept there for that duty, 
they were placed in a more perfect order. The whole num- 
ber of persons in the fort, including the peasantry, women and 
children, was about three thousand. 

As the enemy could not succeed in their attempts to carry 
Sombrero by assault, it was presumable they could never so 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 215 

carry the fort of Los Remedios, since the latter presented so 
many more obstacles to such an endeavour, than the former. 
To attempt to reduce it by famine was considered as prepos- 
terous, as it would consume much more time than the enemy 
could devote to such an operation. In short, the fort was deem- 
ed capable of withstanding a siege of at least twelve months. 

We have been thus particular in describing the fort of Los 
Remedios, in order to show that if Torres had been a man 
possessing even true patriotism, without military discernment, 
and had acted with zeal and good faith towards Mina, he would 
have advised the latter to have repaired with all his officers 
and men to Los Remedios, there to have concentrated their 
forces, and formed their plan of future operations. Instead 
of doing this, Torres induced Mina to remain at Sombrero, by 
deluding him with hollow promises of supplies of provisions 
and troops, until his prospects were blasted by the destruction 
of his division. It is impossible therefore for us not to accuse 
Torres of treachery or ignorance, and in fact of both, in all his 
conduct towards Mina. But let us resume our narrative. 

It was determined between Torres and Mina, that while the 
former should remain in defence of the fort, the latter should 
take the command of a body of cavalry, for the purpose of 
harassing the enemy, by infesting the roads, and preventing 
supplies from reaching them. Meanwhile, Linan was enabled, 
in consequence of the severe blow which he had struck at 
Sombrero, to advance, with a strong reenforcement, against 
Los Remedios ; and on the 27th, a division of his army made 
its appearance before that place. 

Mina thereon withdrew from the fort with nine hundred 
cavalry, with the view already stated. He wished to take 
with him all his officers, but at the earnest solicitation of 
Torres, who considered them of the highest importance for 
the defence of the fort, he left the whole behind him, with the 
exception of his aid de camp. It is true, that these officers 
were of essential consequence, for the defence of the fort, 
but the loss to Mina was most serious; for had he taken 
them with him, there would have been more likelihood of 
his accomplishing his views, than when he was dependent 



216 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

upon men among the patriot officers, whose characters and 
abilities he had yet to ascertain. Perhaps there is no circum- 
stance in Mina's career, that displays more clearly his ge- 
nerous and magnanimous disposition, than his thus yielding to 
the importunities of Torres, after the shameful manner in 
which the latter had neglected him at Sombrero. He was 
now to take the field with a body of irregular troops, without 
even the semblance of discipline, and without possessing ei- 
ther confidence in him, or in one another, and to enter on an 
active campaign, which peculiarly required the aid of experi- 
enced officers. However, to do his best was all that was left to 
him; and he consoled himself with the reflection, that his offi- 
cers would essentially contribute to baffle the enemy's designs 
upon Los Remedios. 

The general marched to the Tlachiquera, an hacienda near 
the cantonment of Ortiz, on the heights of Guanaxuato, ten 
leagues north of the city of Guanaxuato, by the route of the 
mountains. He had ordered Don Encarnacion Ortiz to meet 
him at the hacienda, and there he expected to have found the 
greater part of the officers and men of his own division, who, 
he still flattered himself, had survived the disasters of Som- 
brero. 

We have before noticed the loose financial and military re- 
gulations prevailing among the patriots, within the command 
of Padre Torres ; but it is now necessary to describe particu- 
larly the troops as arrayed under the orders of Mina, to de- 
monstrate the great disadvantages he was obliged to contend 
against. 

In the early stages of the revolution, it will have been per- 
ceived by our former statements, that there were periods at 
which several divisions had attained to a considerable degree 
of discipline and regularity, under Morelos, Matamoros, the 
Rayons, Teran, Victoria, and other distinguished patriot offi- 
cers ; but, from the want of a cordial understanding among 
those chiefs, the cause of the republic had retrograded, as we 
have already noted. 

In the latter stages of the revolution, capable and experienced 
men were scarce ; there was no opportunity for selection ; the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 217 

commandants were not only illiterate men, but unfortunately 
men who entered into the cause of their country, as into an 
adventure or speculation, and who made their own convenience 
or personal views paramount the success of the revolution, or 
the interests of their country. 

The funds which ought to have been appropriated for 
the pay and equipment of their troops, were absorbed and 
squandered by the commandants and their satellites. With 
no check upon their cupidity, they enriched themselves with 
impunity. The troops were allowed to live at their respec- 
tive homes, and were never called together but on a pressing 
emergency. When they did assemble, each man was clothed 
as suited his particular taste or circumstances. The soldier 
received no pay, unless in active service, and then it was only 
two reals per day, out of which he supported himself. On 
Sunday they would assemble at a pueblo, for the double pur- 
pose of hearing mass, and of receiving, when the commanders 
chose to be in funds to supply them, a hat, or shirt, and 
sometimes a dollar or two, not on the score of pay of which 
no rolls were kept, but as a gracious donation. Beyond this 
they were seldom supplied ; in short, they were generally to 
be seen in their shirt sleeves, covered with a mangas or a blan- 
ket. The only exception to this description were the escoltas 
(escorts) of the commandants, consisting of from ten to fifty 
men, agreeably to the means and consequence of the command- 
ants. These were picked men, who had distinguished them- 
selves for courage. They were well dressed, according to the 
taste of the commandant ; were mounted on excellent horses, 
and were generally well armed ; they acted as a body guard 
to the commandant, with whom they fled when it became 
necessary. 

The whole of the troops, with the exception of those in the 
forts, were cavalry, a horse being given to each man, which 
he was obliged to protect from the enemy. Living at their 
respective houses, they were constantly on the alert, and on 
the approach of the enemy, instead of uniting for common 
defence, each man was provident for his own safety. The 
commandants of the districts asserted, that this was the only 
(28) 



218 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

way to save their men, as the incursions of the enemy would 
nor permit them to be embodied in troops or squadrons. This 
system, it is true, had in some degree become necessary; but 
it was a fatal necessity, created by the vicious character of the 
commandants themselves, who amassed and dissipated the 
resources of the country, for their own personal gratifications, 
in place of devoting them to clothing and subsisting a respect- 
able body of troops. 

Whenever their soldiers were to be collected, it was usually 
accomplished, by despatching persons around the country, 
with orders for them to repair to an appointed rendezvous, 
which they obeyed at their pleasure. The men generally ap- 
pointed their own officers, with the exception of the command- 
ants of the district, and it was not uncommon to see captains, 
majors, colonels, and brigadiers, who had once been field 
labourers, mayor domos, or arrieros, (muleteers.) Few of 
them could read or write, and none of them had any preten- 
sions to military knowledge of any kind. They had been 
chosen by their companions for personal intrepidity and ac- 
tivity, qualities, in their estimation, of primary importance ; 
and which the most of them possessed in an eminent degree. 
It is hence obvious, that no discipline nor military arrange- 
ments could exist among such troops and officers. Incapable 
of forming in line with precision, unaccustomed to any sort of 
uniformity in the language of command, or the practice of 
even reducing or forming column, they were no more than a 
disunited mob, destitute alike of the knowledge of arriving at, 
and the sense of the importance of, compactness and unity of 
action. The confidence which a disciplined soldier places in 
the support of his companions, the result of a simultaneous 
motion at command, was unknown to them. But, notwith- 
standing all these defects, their natural bravery enabled them 
occasionally to perform most daring exploits. They charged 
desperateh- , in loose and broken masses ; and, if they succeeded 
in piercing the enemy's line, made great havoc ; but if checked, 
they broke. It was in vain to attempt to rally them. Like 
Scythians, they came down in a hail storm, and retired in a 
cloud, each man seeking his safety in flight, not like disciplined 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 219 

troops when broken, to rally and form at some convenient po- 
sition, but to save themselves altogether. In these scenes, 
the flying soldiers, and particularly the officers, frequently gave 
proofs of great personal valour and presence of mind. 

The Mexican, mounted on his horse on whose speed and 
activity he can rely, places the most unbounded confidence in 
him. Neither showers of balls nor the numbers of his oppo- 
nents dismay him. The officers dash in among the enemy, 
and, perfectly regardless how their men act, seem only in- 
tent on setting them an example of courage. When com- 
pelled to retreat before superior numbers, the Mexican, in- 
stead of jading his favourite horse, proportions his flight to 
the speed of his pursuers; and if he perceive one or two of 
the enemy detached from their main body, he will face round 
and give them battle in presence of the rest. In short, we 
know, from frequent personal observation, that no men pos- 
sess more innate courage than the Mexican Creole. He 
has every necessary ingredient to form the soldier ; and, 
as an individual, seated on his usually high spirited horse, 
with his sword and lance, is as formidable an opponent as 
any in the world. But for want of discipline and military 
regulation, the Creoles are of little use when embodied, and 
can easily be put to the rout. Hence the royalists, whose 
troops are composed of artillery and trained infantry, besides 
cavalry, have been enabled to gain advantages over them; and 
more especially at the period of which we are now treating, 
when the destinies of the republic were in the hands of such 
men as Padre Torres and his commandants. 

This description of "the Creoles is not peculiar to those of 
Mexico; but may with a little modification be considered, we 
think, as a correct one of those of all the Spanish settlements 
on the American continent. The natural qualities of this race, 
their intrepidity, their capacit)^ to endure hardships and pri- 
vations, their sobriety, their self possession, and their abste- 
miousness, are qualities so well calculated for military enter- 
prise, that the intelligent reader will at once perceive that 
discipline alone is necessary to render them, in their own 
country and climate, the most formidable and effective soldiers. 



220 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Shall this fine race of people become free and independent , 
and allies of the republic of the United States, or are they to 
become like the Asiatics, in circumstances nearly similar, the 
subjugators of their own country under European discipline, 
and the terror and scourge of adjacent countries ? Who can 
foresee what might be accomplished by txvo hundred thousand 
Mexican Creoles, versed in the tactics of this day, with ambi- 
tious European leaders f This is a subject which opens a 
wide field for reflection, and particularly merits the regard of 
the American statesman. 

The equipments of the patriots have already been briefly' 
noticed. Their ammunition was in general of their own 
manufacture. The physical resources of the country are su- 
perabundant, with any common management. For Mexico 
abounds with salt petre : the craters of her volcanoes yield 
sulphur ; while the forests afford charcoal. Thus, although 
the manufacture be rude, they can make quantities of powder. 
Flints are found in the rivulets of the mountains ; and from the 
bowels of the latter are extracted lead, copper and iron, as well 
as gold and silver. They have thus the means within them- 
selves of carrying on war ; but the want of artists and mecha- 
nics renders their productions of but little use to them. 

The body of nine hundred cavalry, which was placed under 
Mina's command, was composed of men such as we have de- 
scribed, who may be properly styled Mexican Cossacks. Hosts 
of officers were among them : a corps of two hundred and fifty 
men would be commanded by brigadiers, or colonels ; colonels 
again would command a body of fifty men. The subalterns 
were numerous ; in one body of two hundred and fifty men, 
commanded by a brigadier, there were above eighteen captains. 
Different descriptions of arms were found in the same com- 
pany ; and a just subordination was unknown among them. 

With such troops was Mina now destined to act. Almost 
any other man would have been filled with desponding appre- 
hensions, under such circumstances. But, although he was 
aware of their want of discipline, yet as he had seen the same 
description of troops behave well in the affair of San Juan de 
los Llanos, and as in the recent attack on the enemy's cavalry 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 221 

between Leon and Silao, he had been an eyewitness of their 
valour, he imagined that by perseverance he should be able to 
remedy all their deficiencies. 

The general, with great pains and patience formed his nine 
hundred men into three squadrons ; the carabineers formed the 
vanguard ; the centre was composed of lancers, and the rear 
guard of carabineers; he assigned commanding officers to each 
division ; and contemplated establishing a Guard of Honour 
from his supernumerary officers, on the model of his old guard, 
but he did not accomplish it. 

The captain general Don Jose Maria Liceaga, whom we 
have before mentioned, had joined Mina. His advice and 
information were of great importance. The patriots however 
viewed Liceaga with a jealous eye. He had become unpopu- 
lar by endeavouring to adhere to a system of strict discipline, 
as is always the case where discipline is neither established 
nor its advantages appreciated. 

On the morning of the 30th Mina was near the Tlachiquera; 
there he met Ortiz, with nineteen of the division, who had 
escaped from Sombrero. There were six officers among the 
nineteen men. The moment the general saw them, he put 
spurs to fiis horse, and flew to receive them. He cordially 
gave them a soldier's embrace, and with great eagerness asked; 
" Where are the rest?" He was answered; "We are all that 
are left." The blow was severe : his countenance depicted 
the anguish of his heart; and placing his leg across the pum- 
mel of his saddle, he reclined his head on his hand. His fine 
eye glistened with the warrior's tear of sensibility, but quickly 
recovering himself, his countenance resumed its accustomed 
• serenity. The general retained four officers and six soldiers 
of the nineteen men, and ordered the rest to take commands 
under Ortiz. 

In the meantime the army of Lilian had invested the fort, 
and the formal siege of Los Remedies commenced on the 31st 
of August. The barrancas and precipices which encircled the 
fort, were alike important to defend the besiegers against sal- 
lies, and the besieged against assaults. The former posted 
their infantry on positions with one exception inaccessible to 



222 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

assault, on the opposite side of the barrancas, and in front of 
the works of the fort. 

The enem) r , not satisfied with occupying naturall} r impregna- 
ble holds, intrenched themselves wherever they planted their 
batteries. Their front was protected against the assaults of the. 
besieged, by insurmountable precipices ; and their rear was 
secured against the movements of Mina, as it was impossible 
for cavalry to ascend those heights. The grand encampment 
of the enemy was formed in the plain, immediately at the foot 
of the ascent to the entrance of the fort* From this position, 
they could more easily reenforce their works around the fort; 
thence they could cover them from Mina's attacks, and be- 
sides. prevent the escape of the garrison by that passage. The 
only possible way left for escape, was by Pansacola. The 
head-quarters of Lilian were placed on the summit, on the op- 
posite side of the barranca, directly facing Tepeaca. After 
the enemy had broken ground in front, they had, by incredible 
labour, drawn up cannon, and planted on the summit a battery 
of three guns and two howitzers. This battery, being within 
a short range of Tepeaca, severely 'annoyed that position; but, 
from its great elevation, could not fire into the other works. 
It was an annoyance not anticipated by the besieged, as they 
had calculated that it was impracticable to raise cannon to that 
spot. The enemy, however, after some time, made an exca- 
vation in the side of the precipice, below the above work, suf- 
ficient to mount one gun, from which they effectually raked 
the works of the fort, from Tepeaca down to Santa Rosalia. 
On the side of the barranca, fronting the works of Santa Rosa- 
lia and La Libertad, the enemy had erected two batteries, the 
one commanding the other, which threw shot into the works 
of the besieged, from the distance of half musket shot. In 
the first work of the enemy were planted three pieces of heavy- 
artillery; in the second, two pieces. In the rear of the latter, 
on a small table land, was an intrenched camp, with one piece 
of artillery, and likewise naturally well defended. On a com- 
manding height, in the rear of the whole, were planted a twelve 
pound battering gun and a howitzer. From this position, the 
whole of that part of Los Remedios, from La Cueva up to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 223 

Tepeaca, was much annoy ed. Opposite the weak part of Pan* 
sacola, another encampment was formed, and a battery of two 
pieces of artillery and two howitzers was there opened. On the 
left of La Cueva, three pieces of artillery and two howitzers 
were subsequently planted in battery, which fired into the rear 
of that work. Between their several positions, on every place 
where escape was in any way practicable, were posted intrench- 
ed picquets, with the view also of cutting off from the fort all 
possible external communication. A corp of eight hundred 
well equipped infantry and cavalry, under the command of 
Don Francisco de Orrantia, was ordered to observe the move- 
ments of Mina. 

Thus had the enemy, with extraordinary trouble and skill, 
completed a line of attack, which effectually hemmed in the 
garrison, and menaced the works, of Los Remcdios. We 
have already described the defences of the fort; and, although 
at the time the siege was commenced many parts of the works 
were defective, yet, by the labour of the peasantry, and the 
skill and activity of Mina's officers, they were daily improved 
and strengthened. 

Mina advanced from the Tlachiquera to the cantonment of 
Don Encarnacion Ortiz, where he augmented his force with 
two hundred and fifty of the cavalry of that officer, and march- 
ed the same evening. His first great object was to interrupt 
the enemy's line of communication between the city of Mexico 
and the northern provinces. By destroying their fortifications 
in that direction, their convoys would be deprived of their 
strong places of depot, and consequently would be exposed to 
the incursions of the patriots of Xalpa, who were in strong 
bodies about Queretaro, and on that road. Thus, also, sup- 
plies for the besieging army at Remedios would be rendered 
precarious. 

Mina advanced rapidly, the first night of his march; and, at 
sun-rise next morning, came up to a fortified hacienda, called 
Biscocho. Its defences were insignificant. The garrison took 
possession of the church, and from the top and steeple fired on 
the assailants. Mina sent a summons, demanding their im- 
mediate surrender. A refusal having been returned, the place 



224 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

was attacked, and after a short conflict, carried. The garrison- 
were made prisoners, with the exception of the commandant, 
who had prudently decamped on the first appearance of Mina's 
troops. The recollection of the dreadful massacre at Sombre- 
ro, the clamours of Mina's surviving companions, and the 
rage of his whole division, now operated on his feelings; and, 
for the first time, he listened to the cries of revenge. Thirty- 
one of the garrison were taken out, and shot. The mere men- 
tion, a few weeks before, of such a sacrifice of prisoners, would 
have filled the general, as well as his troops, with horror ; but 
the wanton barbarity of the royalists rendered it necessary to 
repress the feelings of humanity. The extension of mercy to 
an enemy who spurned at every principle of civilized warfare, 
had become impolitic and preposterous ; and it was now ne- 
cessary to repel acts of barbarism, by measures of just reta- 
liation. The remains of Mina's division vowed to sacrifice 
every royalist taken in arms, until they had expiated the blood 
of their murdered companions, or until the enemy should re- 
frain from immolating their prisoners in cold blood. It was 
not, however, Mina'b intention to cherish these views of reta- 
liation. On the occasion in question, he permitted the princi- 
ple to be acted upon; but it is the only act, bearing the appa- 
rent impress of cruelty or severity, with which his name can 
be charged. 

After ordering the hacienda to be burned, to prevent its 
being immediately re-occupied by the enemy, and driving oft* 
the cattle, the general, next morning, continued his march to- 
wards San Luis de la Paz; a pueblo of some importance, situ- 
ated about fourteen leagues to the eastward of Guanaxuato. 
San Luis de la Paz had suffered much during the revolution, 
and many of its principal edifices were in ruins. It was 
occupied by a division of the enemy, consisting of a hundred 
infantry, aided by some of the male population of the place. 
On Mina's approach, the enemy had ordered them to repair 
to the fortifications, and had made preparations for resist- 
ance. The church, the parsonage house which joined it, and 
the cemetery, were the chief places of defence. The former 
was in itself a strong hold ; while the latter was surrounded 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 225 

by a wall pierced with loop holes, outside of which was a dry 
ditch, crossed by a drawbridge, affording the only approach 
to the church. Its garrison, sheltered by the wall, gave great 
annoyance through the loop holes, and every place around their 
little work was commanded by infantry posted on the top of 
the church and in the belfry, the openings of which had been 
filled up with bricks, sufficient to protect the men. 

The garrison, supposing that Mina would be repulsed, with 
the same ease with which the attacks of other patriot command- 
ers had always been foiled, had been careless in supplying 
the place with provisions; but they had water fronjfa fountain 
at the parsonage house. Against organized troops this place 
could not have been defended ; and if Mina had then had with 
him his former little band of foreigners, he would have carried 
it in a few minutes by storm. But he now found that the 
patriot troops, whom he had beheld in combats in plains 
against the enemy's cavalry and infantry acting with the 
greatest gallantry, when brought to scale walls, or to resist 
infantry posted behind a fortified place, were totally ineffective. 

The general summoned the commander of the garrison to 
surrender. A refusal having been returned, Mina surrounded 
the place, so as effectually to prevent the escape of the garrison. 
He determined on making an experiment to carry it by assault, 
particularly as some ruins of houses stood within twenty paces 
of the draAvbridge. He made the necessary dispositions, but 
soon perceived that is was difficult to draw his soldiers from, 
their coverts among the ruined houses. In vain he tried to 
make them advance in a compact body. They scattered and 
fell back before the fire of the infantry of the garrison. Some 
intrepid officers and men of the storming parties boldly ad- 
vanced, but not being properly supported, their lives were 
sacrificed to their gallantry. The general was deeply mortified. 
He resolved, however, to reduce the place by famine, in case 
he could not otherwise effect it. The patriots at times would 
seem anxious to renew the attack, and the general, enlivened, 
would again lead them on : but it was in vain ; they invariably 
shrunk back, at the very critical moment when firmness was 
necessary. Various plans were now devised to destroy the 
(29) 



226 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

drawbridge, but none of the troops could be prevailed upon to 
carry them into execution. Bundles of faggots were prepared 
to be thrown into the ditch to burn it down : but the few bun- 
dles, which some spirited volunteers carried to the spot, were 
not sufficient to accomplish the object. The drawbridge was 
suspended only by strong leather thongs. To cut these, was 
one plan ; and several bold attempts were ineffectually made 
to reach them. On one of those occasions of fitful animation 
among his troops, Mina ordered one of his officers, captain 
Perrier, to head the storming party. This brave fellow found 
no difficulty in scaling the wall, and, supposing his troops 
would follow him, leaped in among the enemy; but, on turn- 
ing round, he found himself alone, — abandoned at a moment 
when an easy victory might have been gained. The gallant 
captain, with great exertions, made his escape back, but was 
severely wounded. 

Mina, after spending four days in these abortive attempts at 
assault, resorted to sapping and running a covered way from 
the ruins of the houses, to the drawbridge; which he accom- 
plished, and the bridge was then cut down. The garrison at 
once surrendered, without further opposition, and called for 
quarter. The scenes of Sombrero were still fresh in the recol- 
lection of his troops ; they demanded revenge, and reminded 
the general of their recent oath not to spare a royalist taken in 
arms. But the merciful disposition of Mina now displayed 
itself. He interposed between the conquerors and the van- 
quished, and succeeded in preventing an indiscriminate 
slaughter of the prisoners ; but, to appease the patriots, he 
consented to make an example of three persons : the command- 
er of the place ; that of Biscocho, who was found here ; and 
a European soldier. They were shot. The greater part of the 
prisoners expressed a desire to join Mina's banners ; and the 
rest were set at liberty. 

The fortifications of San Luis were demolished, as it was 
impossible to attempt to hold it against a regular siege. Colo- 
nel Gonzales, in whose district it lay, a celebrated warrior of 
the troops of Xalpa, was left in command of the place, to* 
watch the movements of the enemv. Mina then advanced 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 227 

against San Miguel el Grande, a town of considerable impor- 
tance, fourteen leagues south-east of Guanaxuato. While 
making preparations for its capture, which, from its position, 
he had every ground to calculate upon, he received advice that 
a very strong body of the enemy were advancing for its de- 
fence ; he therefore considered it prudent to draw off his troops 
and retreat. He now saw the misfortune of having occupied 
so much time in the reduction of San Luis de la Paz. If he 
had proceeded to San Miguel el Grande three days sooner, he 
could have taken the place. Immense resources of every kind 
would have been there acquired; he would have completed his 
plan of cutting off the enemy's chain of communications ; and 
the war might have assumed a new character. But to faiL, 
where success was justly anticipated, is an event incident to 
the species of warfare in which he was then engaged. It is 
ever to be regretted that he was frustrated in the prosecution 
of his plan. 

Mina being thus under the necessity of abandoning his 
design upon San Miguel, proceeded to the Valle de Santiago, 
a place of some importance, situated on the south side of the 
river of that name, sixteen leagues south of Guanaxuato. The 
Valle de Santiago, whose destruction by Torres has been be- 
fore noticed, was one of the few towns which remained in the 
possession of the patriots. When Mina entered it, he found 
it in ruins; the churches alone remaining uninjured. A conr- 
siderable population, among whom were some very respecta- 
ble families, still dwelt amidst this scene of desolation, in huts 
erected on the sites of their former handsome edifices. The 
inhabitants of the Valle de Santiago, animated by their hostili- 
ty to Spanish authority, scarcely appeared to regret that their 
comforts had been sacrificed at the shrine of liberty. Enthu- 
siastically devoted to the cause of their country, they had al- 
ways rejected with scorn every overture of the royalists to 
seduce them. Most tenderly did they cherish the thought of 
the independence of their country, — most faithfully did they 
cling to her through the dark night of her misfortunes ; and, 
finally, sealed their attachment to her, by deserting the place 



228 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

of their nativity, when it subsequently fell into the hands of 
the enemy. 

The district in which it is situated is not extensive ; but 
valuable from possessing a soil more productive, perhaps, 
than that of any other part of the kingdom. If enjoyed, at 
that time, a great commerce; the annual revenue of the coman- 
dancia being one hundred and twenty thousand dollars. Don 
Lucas Flores, the commandant, was a hardy, intrepid man, 
and, as a guerilla chief, had been distinguished by his enter- 
prise. Being so destitute of education, as to be unable to 
write his own name, the regulation of the finances was com- 
mitted to a treasurer. The principal care of this man was 
directed to the enrichment of himself; so that the revenue of 
this important district disappeared, and the public coffers were 
kept empty. 

Don Lucas was one of the confederated commandants un- 
der Padre Torres. Operated upon by the bad example of his 
chief, he became dissipated and inactive, and lost his popu- 
larity by the commission of arbitrary and vexatious acts. It 
was in the power of Don Lucas, by cordially co-operating with 
Mina, to have rendered the most essential service to the com- 
mon cause. He had secreted upwards of fifteen hundred 
stand of excellent arms, which he had taken from the enemy 
in different actions; these, with the resources of his comandan- 
cia, properly applied, would have been all important at that 
juncture. We believe that he was sincerely attached to his 
country, but from his great regard for Torres, or from pride, 
ignorance, or some other motive, his conduct towards Mina 
was characterized by reserve. Don Lucas commanded a 
body of brave troops — than whom none had displayed more 
gallantry in the irregular conflicts with the enemy's cavalry. 
But, as was usual, the escort of the commandant was the only 
portion of them properly equipped. Gaming and disorderly 
conduct of every kind, predominated among them, as it unfor- 
tunately did among all the revolutionary troops. 

Mina had selected the Valle de Santiago for his head-quar- 
ters, on account of its position, its abundant resources for the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 229 

supply of his troops, and the confidence he reposed in the 
patriotism of its inhabitants. On entering the town, the re- 
spectable inhabitants received him in the most affectionate and 
enthusiastic manner, conducting him to the church amidst a 
concourse of people. A Te Deam was chaunted, and every 
eye beamed with satisfaction at beholding Mina. The troops 
encamped near the town; where provisions and pay were fur- 
nished them by the comandancia and by patriotic indivi- 
duals. 

During his stay in the Valle de Santiago, Mina attempted 
to remedy the want of discipline among his troops. But the 
officers were so illiterate, and so entirely strangers to military 
subordination, that he could accomplish but little in the short 
time he was among them. A total change of system, and 
much time were requisite to eradicate their pernicious habits, 
and establish discipline. To change or instruct the officers, 
to regulate anew the finances, to repress the excesses of anar- 
chy and establish order and subordination, were objects to be 
executed only by degrees. Besides, had Mina attempted to 
introduce the change at once, his measures would have been 
viewed as harsh and despotic, and he would have created 
enemies among those whose good will at that crisis was so 
important to him. Under these circumstances, there remain- 
ed no alternative for him but to make the best use of the 
means which were presented to him, and to adopt such a sys- 
tem of tactics as was best suited to troops undisciplined, and 
unacquainted with the importance of military subjection, 
until time and events should enable him gradually to effect a 
change. He flattered himself that this would be more speedilv 
accomplished, could he only succeed in raising the siege of 
Los Remedios. 

While waiting for reenforcements, he advanced with a select 
corps to attack a fortified hacienda, called La Sanja, a few 
leagues distant from the Valle de Santiago. This position is 
strong, and being in a low situation near the lake of Jurida, 
the country around it is capable of being inundated at pleasure. 
It is likewise encompassed by broad and deep ditches. These 



230 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

difficulties were not to be surmounted by inexperienced troops, 
and the attempt to take it by storm proved abortive. He 
therefore returned to the Valle de Santiago. 

After his return, he issued orders to the surrounding com- 
mandants, urging them to direct all their exertions to cut up 
the intercourse by the roads to Los Remedios ; pointing that 
out, as the most effectual measure to defeat the views of the 
enemy. Having received a small reenforcement of troops, he 
marched, with nearly one thousand cavalry, to the vicinity of 
the fort, for the purpose of attacking the enemy, upon the first 
favourable opportunity. With this view, he proceeded to the 
hacienda of La Hoya. 

The enemy, when apprized of his approach, despatched 
a strong division under the command of Don Francisco de 
Orrantia, to attack him. The general made his dispositions 
for battle ; but finding, on reconnoitring, that the force con- 
sisted of a body of infantry and cavalry against which it would 
be imprudent to contend, he ordered a retreat. The enemy 
pursued him to the foot of the mountains near Guanaxuato, 
where the patriots adopted the usual mode of eluding the ene- 
my, by separating into small detachments, each one following 
the route to its own comandancia. The general, with a small 
party, hung on the rear of the enemy, skirmishing with them, 
until they entered the town of Irapuato. He then proceeded 
to the Valle de Santiago, and issued orders to the command- 
ants to reassemble their troops as early as possible. The junc- 
tion of their forces being accomplished, he marched to the 
plain of Silao, between the place of that name and Los Reme- 
dios, where he was reenforced by other divisions of patriots; 
with one of which came Don Pedro Moreno, the ci-devant 
commandant of Sombrero. The general's force then amounted 
to about eleven hundred men, a great proportion of whom were 
miserably equipped. He menaced the enemy's fortified towns, 
and, by his rapid and unexpected movements, kept the Baxio 
in a state of constant alarm, thereby preventing supplies from 
reaching the besieging army at Los Remedios ; while Orrantia, 
with a division of picked troops, followed the movements of 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 231 

Mina, but did not attempt to attack him. The royalists gene- 
rally bivouaced in the same positions which Mina had occu- 
pied on the preceding night. 

Mina was in close correspondence with some of the leading 
inhabitants of the enemy's towns ; and, as he found that the 
enemy at Los Remedios drew their principal supplies from 
the city of Guanaxuato, he considered its capture as the most 
effectual means of cutting them off, and thus raising the siege 
of the fort. Mina well knew the strength of Linan's position 
at Los Remedios. He was aware of the deficiency of disci- 
pline among the patriot troops ; and that the numerical force of 
the enemy was nearly seven times greater than his own, con- 
sisting principally of European veterans, with their best caval- 
ry, adapted to the nature and circumstances of the country. 
To attack the encampment of Linan, therefore, in the plain at 
the foot of the hill of Los Remedios, under such circum- 
stances, would have been a disregard of all military principles; 
it would have been rashness in the extreme ; and, much as 
Mina liked dashing operations, he was too prudent to attempt 
to perform them, with such troops as those then under his com- 
mand. To attack the enemy's intrenchments around the fort, 
was impracticable. Besides, could he have ascended the heights 
with cavalry, he had seen enough to convince him that the pa- 
triot troops were not capable of assaulting by escalade. These 
considerations united in confirming his purpose ; and, having 
received the most flattering assurances of support from some 
of the most respectable citizens of Guanaxuato, he decided on 
the attack of that city. 

Mina communicated these intentions to Padre Torres, by 
couriers. But this man, either from ignorance, or from the ap- 
prehension of the consequences that would arise in favour of 
Mina, if the latter should take Guanaxuato, opposed the plan; 
insisting that the only possible mode of relieving the fort was 
by attacking the besiegers. In vain did the general represent 
to him the advantages that mast arise from the capture of Gu- 
anaxuato, and the disadvantages attendant upon attacking the 
besiegers, from the relative strength and composition of the 
adverse forces; and that therefore the only effective blow which 



232 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

could be struck against the enemy, would be the capture of 
Guanaxuato. Torres at length threw off all reserve ; he not 
only disapproved of Mina's plan, but resorted to the disgrace- 
ful step of sending an order to Don Lucas Flores, and to 
others of the commandants, to put their best troops under Mi- 
ncCs command only in the event of his attacking the enemy at 
the fort ; otherzvise, that they must afford him only partial 
succours, of the ivorst of their troops. This was an unexpect- 
ed blow to Mina. He could scarcely repress his indignation 
at the baseness of Torres ; but it was not the moment to in- 
dulge in expressions of displeasure, and he therefore strove 
to accommodate himself to circumstances, which it was not in 
his power to resist or to modify, 

Mina continued his operations by a system of guerilla war- 
fare in the Baxio, and actually reduced the enemy to so great 
a degree of want, that desertions from their ranks commenced. 
A sergeant and two men, of the European regiment of Fer- 
nando 7°, presented themselves to Mina in the hacienda de 
Burras, five leagues from Guanaxuato. From these men he 
learned that the enemy had been compelled to subsist chiefly 
upon the green corn, which their cavalry brought in from the 
neighbouring ranchos ; that their troops received no pay ; and 
that discontent was becoming general. They also stated, that 
he might expect soon to be joined by a number of deserters ; 
that many soldiers, before that time, would have passed over 
to the patriot standard, had it not been from an apprehension 
of being put to death by some roving band of patriots, before 
they could reach Mina. 

During these operations of Mina in the Baxio, the enemy 
was carrying on the siege of Los Remedios with vigour. 
They had already been employed twenty days in throwing up 
intrenchments, to protect themselves from the assaults which 
they feared Mina might attempt to make on them. The lines 
of approach, for the reduction of the fort, were daily becom- 
ing more formidable. 

The garrison, in the meantime, was not inactive. Under 
the direction of Mina's officers, the curtain, if it may be so 
termed, and the works extending from Santa Rosalia to Tepe- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 233 

aca, had been nearly completed ; and to their unintermitted 
exertions was Padre Torres wholly indebted for the fort's be- 
ing placed in a state capable of making so gallant a resistance, 
against an enemy so much more numerous, and so far supe- 
rior in the character of his troops, and in artillery. 

From the opposite heights, which were within musket-shot, 
the enemy frequently held conversations with the besieged, 
and vauntingly expressed their confidence of gaining posses- 
sion of the fort by storm, at the very first attempt. Accord- 
ingly, about the 20th of September, they advanced in three 
columns, and assaulted the fort at the points of Pansacola and 
Tepeaca; but directed their principal efforts against a part of 
the curtain which was then unfinished. The battery of La Li- 
bertad, which had been planned by Mina, and which his officers 
had laboured to complete, was also unfinished. They advanc- 
ed against each point simultaneously, and upon the opening in 
the curtain, in admirable order ; but they were received in a 
manner which they expected not. After an inveterate conflict of 
three hours, finding their attempts to enter the fort were abor- 
tive, they Avere compelled to retire after suffering very severely. 
Lilian, being thus disappointed in carrying Los Remedios on 
the first assault, determined to open a mine under the work at 
Tepeaca. In this effort he also failed ; twice was he disap- 
pointed in his attempts to destroy the battery by explosion. 
Could he have accomplished that object, the fort must have 
fallen into his possession, as Tepeaca commanded the whole 
line of works. But the engineers of Linan must have been 
deficient of skill ; for, on springing the mine, the explosion 
each time issued by the mouth of the gallery, killing and 
wounding many of the miners. This, conjoined with the fre- 
quent sorties from the fort on the mining parties, at length 
compelled the enemy to abandon the project of undermining it. 

Meanwhile, they had erected batteries in front of that of 
La Libertad. From these they opened a heavy fire, which 
seriously injured the curtain and works generally. As Linan 
had been foiled in his attempts to blow up Tepeaca, he deter- 
mined, once more, to resort to open assault. Having succeed* 
(30) 



^34 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

ed in making a breach in the curtain, below Santa Rosalia, the 
enemy prepared to storm it, making, at the same time, judici- 
ous diversions on Pansacola and Tepeaca. The design of the 
enemy being soon perceived, the gun from Santa Rosalia was 
carried down and planted in the breach, supported by infan- 
try, and peasantry armed with missile weapons. A strong- 
column of European infantry moving up to the breach, under 
cover of a fire from their works, advanced intrepidly to within 
a few paces of it, when they were received with so much spi- 
rit that they soon fell back. They rallied and returned to the 
attack, but on approaching the fatal breach were again repuls- 
ed. At the other points of assault they were received with 
the same gallantry ; and, after having suffered a severe loss in 
each attack, the enemy beat the retreat and retired within their 
intrenchments. 

The garrison, animated by their recent exploits, determined 
to become the assailants. The batteries opposite to La Liber- 
tad had seriously annoyed the besieged ; for the superior ar- 
tillery of the enemy, placed there within short range of the 
works, did them great injury. The damage committed there- 
by during the day, was repaired by night with stones and sand 
bags. But, wearied with the great and repeated fatigue, the 
garrison resolved to attempt the destruction of the enemy's 
first battery, on which were mounted three heavy pieces of ar- 
tillery. This enterprise was to-be performed against Europe- 
an troops, strongly intrenched. 

A party of two hundred and fifty men was selected for this 
daring operation, commanded by captains Crocker and Ram- 
say, and lieutenant Wolfe, three officers of Mina. Lieutenant 
Wolfe, with a detachment of fifty men, was ordered to gain 
the rear of the enemy's first work, by a circuitous route, and 
act simultaneously with the remainder of the party, which was 
to advance in front. Favoured by the obscurity of the night, 
the parties gained their positions unobserved by the enemy. 
Lieutenant Wolfe opened a fire from the rear ; and, scarcely 
had the enemy directed their attention to that point, when the 
party in front gallantly rushed forward. The enemy, being 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 235 

In a state of continual alarm of Mina, and not expecting an as- 
sault from the besieged, finding themselves attacked in front 
and rear at the same instant, supposed that the attack in front 
was in co-operation with that of Mina in the rear. Under this 
impression, we presume, they discharged a couple of guns 
loaded with grape shot, at the party in front, but without any 
effect; and, struck with a panic, exclaiming, Mina! Mina! they 
leaped their works in confusion, and fled to their second bat- 
tery. The two heaviest guns were spiked, and their limbers 
destroyed ; the work was levelled, and the party retired with- 
out the loss or injury of a man. They brought off the third 
gun from the enemy's works, but could not carry it further 
than the foot of the barranca, where it was rendered unser- 
viceable and abandoned. 

Thus was executed an enterprise entirely unexpected on the 
part of the enemy, the effect of which on their minds must 
have been very considerable, however unimportant it may be 
viewed in relation to the force on either side. The enemy, 
however, shortly after replaced their artillery, and thencefor- 
ward limited their operations to a cannonading and blockade. 
The damage which their artillery effected on the works of the 
fort, was speedily repaired by the ordinary means of war. 
The siege did not excite much uneasiness, for in despite of 
the enemy's vigilance, some of the brave peasants found their 
way into the fort almost every night, with powder and other 
articles. Provisions were abundant in the magazines. The 
finest fresh bread was daily served out ; meat was plenty ; 
and in fact the garrison had not only necessaries but luxuries. 

The enemy's situation presented a striking contrast. They 
had scarcely any other subsistence, than unripe corn, as be- 
fore mentioned; for Mina had effectually cut off their supplies. 
All the country, for several miles around Los Remedios, had 
been deserted by the inhabitants, who had likewise driven off 
their cattle. The situation of the enemy was soon known to 
the garrison ; and, in order to show them the hopelessness of 
an attempt to obtain Los Remedios by famine, presents of fresh- 
baked bread, meat, brandy, and even fruit, were frequently 
placed at about half way between the hostile works. 



236 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The general was still pursuing his guerilla warfare, harass- 
ing the enemy incessantly, and. cutting off their provisions, 
with an effect which every day made their situation more 
critical. 

While Mina was marching through the hacienda of La 
Caxa, on the 10th of October, a peasant brought him the in- 
telligence, that Orrantia was approaching, and was but a short 
distance in the rear. 

Having had some opportunities of instilling a little more 
confidence in his troops, Mina thought the present a fit occa- 
sion to try them in the field, and therefore determined to give 
battle to Orrantia. 

The experiment recently made in attacking fortifications, 
had convinced him, that they could not be relied upon for 
such operations ; but as his force was then numerically supe- 
rior to the enemy's, he entertained expectations, that they 
would feel a confidence in themselves, and that amidst the 
fortuitous occurrences of an engagement, his experience might 
enable him to seize upon some advantageous moment to 
decide the conflict. To succeed in destroying this enemy 
would be in effect to raise the siege of Los Remedios, as 
Linan could not detach from his force such another body of 
infantry and cavalry, as that of Orrantia's ; and Mina would 
thereby be enabled to prosecute other plans against the ene- 
my with facility, in which he had been hitherto frustrated 
by the position of Orrantia's division. Mina, it must be ac- 
knowledged, was not very sanguine of the result of the bat- 
tle ; but as in war, under such circumstances, delay itself is 
disadvantageous, and as he hoped, at all events, to occasion a 
severe loss to the enemy, as well as to give the patriot troops 
an opportunity to distinguish themselves, he therefore took his 
determination to await the attack. The hacienda of La Caxa 
is situated on elevated ground, in a pass between two hills, 
distant from the enemy's town of Irapuato three leagues. 
The buildings of the hacienda were strongly fenced in. In 
front of them extended large plantations of Indian corn, which 
at that time was in full growth. The whole was enclosed by 
a very strong wall, with a small gate in one side, through 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 237 

which lay the road to the hacienda through the corn fields. 
Immediately contiguous to this wall, on both sides, the ground 
was laying fallow. 

Mina had with him, at this time, about eleven hundred 
men ; but their character as soldiers must be borne in mind : 
for, in consequence of the disgraceful order issued by Torres, 
these troops were composed of the most ordinary men of the 
different comandancias, and many of them only armed with 
lazos and machetas. Desertion, as might be expected from 
such troops, was frequent, and from the deficiency of all ideas 
of discipline, was practised with an impunity the most pernici- 
ous, because irremediable. Whenever they were wearied with 
service, or were anxious to return to their families, they re- 
tired in pairs or dozens; and sometimes, at a critical moment, 
when an action was about taking place, they went off in still 
more considerable numbers. Mina, at length, finding it indis- 
pensable to interpose a check to this practice even at the 
risk of losing his popularity, issued an order declaring the 
penalty of death on the deserters. He sentenced to be shot 
two deserters, one of whom held the rank of a colonel. This 
act of firmness on the part of Mina, at least put a temporary 
check on desertion. Another evil had considerably injured 
the troops ; it was a custom they had adopted of permitting 
females to accompany the expedition. At the time we are 
speaking of, Ortiz had reenforced Mina with some cavalry, 
and many of the officers had brought with them their wives. 
Whether this was from anticipating an attack on the city of 
Guanaxuato, where the females would expect to come in for 
a share of the spoil, or from some other cause, is immaterial, 
but it was the first time that Mina had been encumbered with 
such auxiliaries, and they were of very serious disadvantage 
to him on this occasion. 

The general, under all these embarrassing circumstances, 
made his dispositions for action. He posted a picquet at the 
gate of the enclosure ; and, at some distance in the rear, on an 
elevated position, established his advanced guard, composed 
of two hundred and fifty men, such as he thought the best 
adapted for that duty, under the command of a dashing Creole, 



238 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

nicknamed u El Giro." In the corn field, in front of the ha- 
cienda, on each side of the road, he posted the main body, 
resting obliquely upon it as a centre, and within the fence of 
the hacienda, was the rear guard of two hundred men, with 
the women, ammunition, &c. 

These dispositions were scarcely made, when the enemy 
were descried in motion upon the fallow ground before men- 
tioned, outside the fence, where they halted for a considerable 
time, apparently undecided how to act. Mina, thereupon, 
having given his instructions to the commander of the main 
body, proceeded to the advanced post, whence he could better 
reconnoitre the enemy, and seize upon any opportunity for a 
favourable movement. At length the enemy attacked and 
drove in the picquet, and passed within the fence ; and again 
halted on the clear space within it, in close order. Apprehen- 
sive of an ambuscade, the enemy threw out some light troops 
among the corn, but these were soon recalled, and whether or 
not they were afraid to advance by the high road, we cannot 
say, but after a considerable time spent in preparation, they 
filed off to the right, thereby appearing to menace the left of 
Mina, and turn his flank. In executing this movement, their 
infantry fell into disorder, and Mina supposing that he could 
reach them before they could form anew, made a charge on 
them with the advanced guard. It was executed with spirit; 
but his distance from the enemy was so great, that they had 
time to form, and thereby save themselves. Mina, with only 
two hundred and fifty men, now found himself engaged with 
the enemy's whole force. In the height of the action, a party 
of thirty of the enemy's cavalry, having made a circuit, ap- 
proached the hacienda where the women were placed, who be- 
came alarmed, and fled. This created a panic in the rear guard, 
who took to flight. The main body, seeing the flight of the 
rear guard, without knowing the cause, likewise broke and dis- 
persed, while Mina, with his little corps, was left to sustain the 
whole brunt of the action. The enemy's cavalry, seeing the 
confusion, pursued the fugitives, and the rout became general. 
Upon this unexpected disaster, no other resource was left to 
Mina, than to cut his way through the enemy, which he most 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 239 

gallantly effected, after sustaining some loss. Orrantia then 
proceeded to the hacienda, where he shot some of the peasant- 
ry for not having remained in the place during the action : 
their houses he gave up to pillage. Mina, with the brave 
little party who had supported him so well, bivouaced near 
the scene of action, while Orrantia passed the night at the ha- 
cienda, without venturing to attack the general. Next morn- 
ing, Mina proceeded to a small place, about four leagues off, 
called Pueblo Nuevo, where he found some of the fugitives, 
but the greater number had crossed the river on whose banks 
the place stands, and had returned to their respective homes. 

In the late affair, the general again experienced the lamenta- 
ble evil, of the want of discipline, among the patriot troops, 
and of the fatal consequences of allowing females to accompa- 
ny them. But he was so highly pleased with the valour and 
conduct of the advanced party, under his immediate command, 
that he felt a renewed conviction, that he should be able to 
produce a considerable reformation among the patriot forces, 
by their example and success. He was convinced that if the 
unlooked for panic-terror we have mentioned, had not taken 
place, and that if his main body had been once closely engaged, 
the defeat of Orrantia would have been certain, or at the least 
that he must have been seriously crippled, and compelled to 
retire. 

Despondency under any circumstances formed no part of 
Mina's character. His first care was therefore to adopt mea- 
sures the best calculated to remedy the evils by which he was 
encompassed ; and as he knew that it would take a considera- 
ble time to reassemble the scattered troops, he resolved, in the 
interval, to visit Xauxilla, the seat of the patriot government, 
with which he wished to consult as to his future operations. 
With this view he selected an escort of twenty men, and dis- 
missed the rest, after despatching orders to the different com- 
mandants to assemble with their troops on a certain day at La 
Caxa. He proceeded in the evening for Xauxilla, and arrived 
there the next day. 

Xauxilla was a small mud fort, the construction of which 
displayed the exercise of some military science. It was situ-' 



240 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

ated on an island just large enough to contain it, in the lake 
of Zacapo, a short distance from the village of that name, in 
the intendancy of Valladolid, about twenty leagues south- 
west of the Valle de Santiago, and eighteen north-west of the 
city of Valladolid. It was surrounded by a swamp or pond 
containing from five to six feet of water in depth, and could 
only be reached by canoes. Its garrison was composed of 
one hundred tolerably well disciplined infantry. At this place, 
the Republican Gazette was printed. There was likewise 
within the fort an extensive manufactory of powder, whence 
supplies had been sent to Los Remedios. The members of 
the government (if it may be so called) received Mina with 
cordiality. He frankly unfolded to them his plans, particu- 
larly that of attacking Guanaxuato. But this plan did not 
meet with their approbation. They did not believe that it 
eould be accomplished with such troops as could then be placed 
under Mina's command. They were aware that with undis- 
ciplined men, nothing could be effected that would shed a 
lustre on Mina, or be of essential benefit to their country. 
They strongly recommended to the general, to withdraw his 
remaining officers and men from the fort of Los Remedios, 
the place being impregnable, and well stored with provisions; 
and there being consequently no apprehensions of its falling 
into the hands of the enemy, there was no absolute necessity 
that called for the presence there of Mina's officers. 

The members of the government endeavoured to impress 
upon Mina's mind, the importance of organizing a body of 
troops, before he should undertake any momentous enterprise, 
and that, for the accomplishment of that purpose, the country 
between Xauxilla and the shores of the Pacific ocean was the 
most proper place, as the enemy there were less numerous 
than in the Baxio, and the people were universally earnest in 
the patriot cause ; besides, that the fertility of the country 
yielded ample supplies, and its natural positions afforded 
complete security. They made use of the most cogent ar- 
guments to persuade Mina to adopt this plan : but after giv- 
ing them all the solidity to which they were entitled, he re- 
mained unconvinced of its feasibility. His primary object 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 241 

was to relieve Los Remedios. Knowing the critical situa- 
tion to which the enemy were reduced, by the failure of their 
supplies of provisions, and believing that if the design of 
compelling Linan to withdraw from the siege of that fort, 
by the extremity of hunger, was abandoned, such another op- 
portunity might not again occur, he nattered himself that if 
he could effect this his favourite point, that the affairs of the 
revolution would then assume a different aspect. He was, it 
is true, sensible that full reliance could not be placed upon the 
troops he commanded, but he thought that if he could obtain 
fifty infantry from Xauxilla, to be added to a like number from 
among the prisoners of San Luis de la Paz, whom Ortiz had 
undertaken to train, that with these, and an overwhelming 
force of cavalry, he should be able to capture the city of 
Guanaxuato. Mina likewise informed his counsellors, that 
his honour was implicated in relieving the fort of Remedios, 
and that he had also pledged himself to attack Guanaxuato. 

The government, on finding his resolution taken, ordered 
fifty infantry of the fort to march to his place of rendezvous. 
Although the members of the government much regretted 
Mina's determination, yet they all admired the generous sen- 
timents by which he was actuated in support of his plan, and 
earnestly wished him full success. 

The general marched from Xauxilla, taking, on his return, 
a circuitous route through Puruandiro, formerly a considerable 
and rich town, but which, by the mandates of Torres, had been 
reduced to a heap of ruins, with the usual exception of the 
churches. It lies about sixteen leagues north of the city of 
Valladolid, and was at that time in possession of the patriots, 
who hailed the arrival of Mina among them by illuminations 
and other public demonstrations of joy. After remaining there 
two days, for the purpose of procuring some pecuniary aid, 
to carry into effect his intended object, he proceeded to the 
Valle de Santiago. He there found a small party of the pa- 
triot troops from Xalpa, awaiting his arrival. But he had 
been in the town only a few minutes, when the approach of 
a strong body of the enemy was announced from the look-out 
posts on the heights. It was the division of Orrantia. Mina, 
(31) 



242 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

who entertained the most sovereign contempt for Orrantia, as 
a military man, could not endure the thought, of making a 
passive retreat, although he knew the enemy's superior num- 
bers. He therefore placed his few men in ambush, in the corn 
that was growing in the vicinity of the place, and close to the 
road by which he presumed the enemy would pursue him ; 
intending, if their cavalry only advanced in pursuit of him, 
to draw them into the ambuscade, in which case the destruc- 
tion of a portion of them was certain. Orrantia, having enter- 
ed the town, and receiving information that Mina, with some 
troops, was hovering about the place, halted his troops. After 
a considerable lapse of time, he again advanced from it, but so 
cautiously, that Mina, finding it impossible to succeed in his 
designs, withdrew his men from their ambuscade, covering 
their retreat in person, with a few men. By taking a circuit- 
ous route through the heights, he descended in the rear of the 
enemy, and proceeded to La Caxa, passing through Pueblo 
Nuevo. A Spanish officer, whose name we do not think fit to 
mention, there presented himself as a deserter to Mina. He 
obtained the confidence of the general; and, after having been 
furnished by him with some money, was despatched upon a 
secret mission. A sergeant and two soldiers of the regiment 
of Zaragoza likewise there deserted to him. They confirm- 
ed the accounts which had been previously received of the 
enemy's famished condition, of the discontent which prevail- 
ed among their troops generally, and of the numerous deser- 
tions which took place every night among the Creoles in 
particular. But the spirit of desertion which Mina's opera- 
tions had begun to excite in the enemy's ranks, was at once 
checked by the unexpected and disastrous events we are to 
narrate in the succeeding chapter. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 243 



CHAPTER X. 

Mina advances against Guanaxuato — Description of that city 
— He attacks it — Failure — He proceeds with an escort to 
the rancho del Venadito — Movements of Orrantia — Mina 
made prisoner — Brutal conduct of Orrantia towards him — 
Death of Mina — defections — State of Society in Mexico — 
Remarks on the present state of the royal forces, and the fa- 
cility with xvhich the country could be invaded, and its eman- 
cipation accomplished. 

AT the hacienda of La Caxa, Mina assembled about eleven 
hundred troops, with which he advanced to the hacienda of 
Burras. In the night of the 23d, avoiding the high roads, and 
having made a circuit through the cultivated grounds, he pass- 
ed along the heights immediately over the city of Guanaxuato, 
and gained, by day-light, an unfrequented spot called La Mi- 
na de la Luz, in the mountains, about four leagues therefrom. 
He halted there during the day, awaiting the arrival of some 
reenforcements of infantry and cavalry, despatched by Don 
Encarnacion Ortiz. They joined him in the afternoon, and 
his force, thus augmented, amounted to nearly fourteen^ hun- 
dred men, of whom ninety only were infantry. 

Before relating the disastrous attack on the city of Guana- 
xuato, it will be proper to present the reader with a brief view 
of this celebrated town, because, in point of wealth and natu- 
ral advantages, it holds the next rank in importance to the 
capital of New Spain ; and indeed, as respects its physical 
resources, is equal, if not superior, to any city in Spanish 
America. These circumstances alone were such as to render 
its capture an enterprise worthy of the gallant Mina, and of 
the greatest importance to the revolutionary cause. 

Guanaxuato, the capital of the intendancy of that name, is 
situated amidst the rich metalliferous mountains, which bor- 
der upon the plains of Silao, Salamanca, &c. on the east. Those 



244 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

plains, (usually called by the inhabitants the Baxio,) are the 
most beautiful and fertile to be found in all New Spain. The 
glowing description given by the baron de Humboldt, of the 
beauty and agricultural richness of this region, is not, in any 
respect, exaggerated ; indeed it is impossible for the traveller 
to pass through that highly favoured country, without expe- 
riencing emotions of admiration and delight. The softness 
and purity of the atmosphere are soothing and invigorating; 
and the effect on the vision is such, that in no place have we 
ever beheld a verdure so vivid, as that of the vegetable pro- 
ductions of those plains. 

The mountains in its vicinity are abrupt, lofty, and rugged, 
like all those which abound in minerals. They are intersect- 
ed with deep barrancas, many of them from two to three hun- 
dred yards wide, and the awful precipices with which these 
barranca's abound, strike the stranger with surprise. The 
highly cultivated plains, and the chains of mountains, present 
the most sublime scenery, mingling the extremes of light and 
shade in the most striking and exquisite contrast ; equalling 
the most celebrated of European scenery in grandeur and magr 
nitucle, and rivaling the softest landscapes of Lausanne or 
Italy. 

Along the windings of one of these barrancas is situated the 
city of Guanaxuato. It is so completely bosomed by sur- 
rounding mountains, that it can only be seen after ascending 
the heights around it, when the novelty of. its location strikes 
the stranger with astonishment. In some places, the city 
spreads out like a broad amphitheatre; at others, it stretches 
along a narrow ridge : while the ranges of the habitations, ac- 
commodated to the sinuosities of the ground, present the most 
fantastic, but perhaps the most varied and elegant, groups of 
dwellings. Prior to the revolution, its population was esti- 
mated at seventy thousand souls ; but at present that number 
has experienced a great diminution. 

During the rainy season, it is exposed to injury from the 
violent torrents that rush from the mountains down the bar- 
ranca in which the city stands, in their passage to the plain of 
Silao. Large sums have been expended on works to restrain 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 245 

these torrents within a channel ; but, nevertheless, accidents 
happen to the city from them almost every year. 

The finest silver mines of all America are in its immediate 
vicinity, particularly the famous one of Valenciana. Previous 
to the revolution, this mine yielded to its proprietor the clear 
annual revenue of half a million of dollars. 

The mines of the Mexican kingdom, and particularly those 
of Guanaxuato, form an important and interesting exception to 
the remark, that death reigns in the mines of America. The 
mines of Pe.ru, as well as those of New Granada, are in gene- 
ral situated in uncongenial regions, or those of perpetual snow. 
Vegetation is not seen for many leagues around them. Provi- 
sions are brought to them from a great distance. The miner 
has to undei'go the transition from extreme heat to that of cold ; 
to abandon delightful vallies, blessed with a fine temperature, 
to inhabit a frigid region, where everlasting sterility prevails. 
He is forced by the law of the Mtta to abandon his family, or, 
if they accompany him, it is only to partake of his hardships 
and his sorrows. Widely different is the lot of the Mexican 
miner. At an elevation of from six to seven thousand feet 
above the ocean, he enjoys all the blessings of the temperate 
zone. In Mexico, we see the highest cultivation in the vicini- 
ty of mining stations. The intendancy of Guanaxuato is the 
smallest, and contains the most dense population of any other 
in Mexico. According to M. de Humboldt, it is fifty-two 
leagues in length, and thirty-one in breadth ; covering a sur- 
face equal to nine hundred and eleven square leagues, which, 
in 1803, contained a population of five hundred and seventeen 
thousand three hundred souls, or five hundred and sixty-eight 
to each square league. The beautiful plains of Guanaxuato, 
extending in length thirty leagues, from Celaya to the Villa de 
Leon, and immediately around the mines, are in the highest 
state of cultivation, studded with three cities, four towns, thir- 
ty-seven pueblos, and four hundred and forty-eight haciendas. 
The mountains abound with fine forests, and provisions and 
luxuries are abundant in all directions around these mines. 

Hundreds of miners of Guanaxuato came under our obser- 
vation, and a more robust race of people we beheld not in 



24*6 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Mexico. Thus, from personal observation, we were led to 
adopt the opinion, that the labour incident to their course of 
life, was not so deleterious as we should otherwise have 
thought. 

In the mine of Valenciana, for example, previous to the 
revolution, (for since that period, it has, in a great measure, 
become filled with water,) the business of a large portion of 
the labourers was the continually carrying upon their backs 
burthens of minerals, averaging three hundred pounds, from 
the bottom to the mouth of the mine, by an ascent of eighteen 
hundred steps, passing too through a temperature varying 
from forty-five to ninety-three degrees. Nevertheless, the 
miner enjoys perfect health ; and the proportion of births to 
deaths, as given by M. de Humboldt, at once demonstrates, 
although a large proportion of the inhabitants are Indians, the 
salubrity of the mining station. In the city of Guanaxuato, 
the average number of births for five years exceeds that of 
the deaths two hundred for one hundred ; and in the adjoining 
mines of Santa Ana and Marfil a hundred and ninety -five to a 
hundred. 

That the labour in the mines may have been pernicious in 
former years, when it was compulsory, and when the barba- 
rous law of the Mita was in force, when the pits and galleries 
were charged with impure air, and less attention was bestowed 
on the accommodation of the miner, we cannot deny ; but the 
improvements which have been made within the last twenty- 
five years by the school of mines established in the city of 
Mexico, have lessened these evils, and introduced a system 
by which the mines are ventilated, and the air purified. The 
wages of the miner are more liberal, and his labour being vol- 
untary, consequently, when he feels dissatisfied, he retires, 
and his place is supplied from the superabundant population 
of the adjacent fertile country. No doubt can be entertained, 
that when foreign arts and sciences are introduced into Mexi- 
co, where so spacious and favourable a field for their culture is 
at present fenced round by Spanish policy, human labour in the 
mines will be greatly diminished ; and instead of the tedious 
and laborious occupations, now resorted to from necessity, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION; 247 

machinery will, in a great measure, effect these objects, di- 
minish human suffering, and diffuse happiness over those de- 
lightful regions. It is there that the power of steam remains 
yet to be successfully applied. 

Historians and travellers have been so much accustomed to 
copy each other in depicting the horrors of the unfortunate 
miner, that the galley slaves of Europe have been considered 
happy when compared with the individual who descends into 
the mines of Spanish America ; and, although some of these 
poetical descriptions of Raynal, Pauw, and the Scottish histo- 
rian Robertson, may have been in past times applicable to the 
mines of Potosi, and others among the Andes of Peru, we 
feel satisfied that such descriptions will not apply to the con- 
dition of the miner in Mexico. It has likewise been a vulgar 
opinion throughout the civilized world, that an immense pro- 
portion of the Indian population were employed in the mines. 
Leaving the consideration of what occurs in South America 
to the future observer, we confine ourselves to Mexico, when 
we state, that in the year 1807, according to the returns trans- 
mitted to the school of mines, the whole number of persons 
employed in all the mines of New Spain were thirty-two thou- 
sand three hundred and forty. So that, Avhen we reflect that 
the population of New Spain is between six and seven millions, 
we at once perceive how small, to the general population of 
the country, is the proportion of persons engaged in this 
species of labour. But since the present revolution com- 
menced, some of the mines have been abandoned, others have 
become choked up with water, and therefore, the above num- 
ber must necessarily be considerably reduced. Should our 
hopes that a liberal government may at no distant day be es- 
tablished in New Spain be realized, it is plain that the intro- 
duction of machinery will not only lessen the number of men 
hitherto employed in those works, but will augment the pro- 
duce of these mines far beyond what they have yet yielded, 
so as to keep pace with the necessary demands of an augment- 
ing population, and the additional calls of the world in its 
career of improvement. 



248 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

It is not, however, the mines of Guanaxuato which consti- 
tute the real wealth of that important intendancy of New Spain. 
Its riches are founded on a more durable basis. The benig- 
nity of the climate, the fertility of the soil, and the hardy race 
of men susceptible of every polish and refinement, and with 
genius calculated to pursue every intellectual enterprise with 
ardour and success, are blessings which will exist, even should 
the silver of its piled-up mountains be exhausted. 

All the nutritious grains necessary for human enjoyment 
and support, find a congenial soil and climate in the intendancy 
of Guanaxuato. Those adjoining it are equally blessed. No 
part of the earth yields a more abundant product to the la- 
bours of the agriculturist, nor do we believe there is any cli- 
mate so favourable to longevity, or a territory which would 
sustain a more dense population on each square mile, than the 
climate and territory of the intendancy of Guanaxuato. ^ Not 
only its fertile plains, but its loftiest summits appear destined 
for the abodes of rural felicity. 

The future race of Mexicans which is to flourish in this fa- 
voured part of New Spain, is not destined to depend on the 
caprices of artificial policy, nor the casualties of foreign com- 
merce, for the supply of either necessaries or luxuries. The 
inhabitants of this intendancy, as well as of Mexico generally, 
are sure of the jealousy of selfish or less favoured nations ; 
and it is, perhaps, fortunate for them, because they will the 
more readily apply the energy of their genius, and their indus- 
try, to supply from their own resources those commodities, by 
supplying the wants of which, other nations might be enabled 
to interfere in their prosperity, and subject them to the dele- 
terious system which has already made South America suffer 
three centuries of wretchedness, and has not spared any part 
of the world from its vexation. As we have before observed, 
whatever foreign productions of the temperate zone may 
hereafter be introduced into this intendancy, will there flou- 
rish; while its indigenous productions, and the few of foreign 
origin at present introduced, are alone amply sufficient for hu- 
man comfort and subsistence. Although the agriculture of 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 249 

Mexico is a century behind that of Europe or the United 
States, still its products are astonishingly great. As wheat is 
sown in the dry season, it is raised by irrigation. M. de Hum- 
boldt makes the average produce of Mexico from twenty-two 
to twenty-five for one. But it varies in different situations from 
eighteen and twenty to seventy and eighty for one fanega 
sown ;— its average thus exceeding four or five times the mean 
produce of France. Indian corn grows variously ; in some 
parts of the Baxio it yields the astonishing increase of eight 
hundred for one fanega sown ; in some parts, the harvest is 
considered bad at one hundred and fifty for one. The mean 
produce of the equinoctial region of Mexico is taken by M. 
de Humboldt at one hundred and fifty for one. 

The fruits, whether indigenous or exotic, grow to great 
perfection in Guanaxuato ; and in any of the markets are ex- 
hibited in the same basket, as well the products of the tem- 
perate as those of the torrid zone. There, in the highest state 
of perfection, are offered for sale, pineapples, grapes, oranges, 
bananas, peaches, apples, pears, &c, gathered within a few 
leagues of each other. The animals of Guanaxuato are of a 
superior kind. The sheep which browse on the mountains 
afford a delicious meat, and yield a remarkably fine wool. 
The horses, in point of beauty, form, muscle, bone and high 
mettle, are no where surpassed. 

In no part of New Spain is there a finer race of men than in 
Guanaxuato, and the character is common to Indians and Cre- 
oles. Robust in their limbs, comely and athletic, with an 
eye denoting extraordinary acuteness, these men create emo- 
tions in a stranger rarely excited at first sight ; and whenever 
the blessings of a liberal government shall be obtained by 
them, and the advantages of an extended and liberal educa- 
tion be diffused among them, we predict that the province 
of Guanaxuato will occupy a distinguished place among the 
Mexican provinces. But let us resume the operations against 
the city. 

It is evident from the description we have given of Guan- 
axuato, that artillery, placed on the heights which encompass 
it, would soon cause it to succumb. However, as the enemy 
(32) 



250 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

entertained no apprehensions of formidable attacks from the 
patriots, they had neglected to fortify the passes of the moun- 
tains leading to the city, and relied for their defence on a castle 
or strong barracks which stood in a central position. 

Mina was not provided with the necessary artillery to oc- 
cupy the heights ; and as Orrantia was following him, he 
resolved to carry the city by a coup de main. His intention 
was communicated to the troops, who manifested an anxiety to 
be led on. Pleased with their enthusiasm, and flattering 
himself that he was about to strike a blow which would give a 
decisive turn to the revolution, he made his arrangements 
accordingly. Filled with these presages, he appeared more 
than usually animated, and at dark advanced upon the city. 
At eleven o'clock the advanced guard arrived in the suburbs. 
A considerable halt was there made, to enable the division to 
close up, as the defiles through which the place had been ap- 
proached were very narrow ; in some places not affording a 
passage for more than a single file of men. The troops at 
length reunited, and although the sentinels were proclaiming 
within a short distance their " all's well," yet such had been 
the silence and good order on the part of Mina's troops, that 
the enemy were not apprized of his approach until after mid- 
night ; they received the first intimation of it, by the surprise 
and capture of one of their outposts. The alarm of the ene- 
my became general, and a firing commenced from the castle. 
But habits of discipline were again found wanting, and scenes 
even more disgraceful than those we have formerly described as 
having occurred at San Luis de la Paz, were here reacted at the 
critical moment when order and obedience were most required. 
Mina found himself surrounded by a military mob. In vain 
did he employ persuasion or threats ; his mildness won them 
not ; his orders were not obeyed ; and although the enemy's 
fire had slackened for some time, thereby offering an opportu- 
nity for the assault, all his attempts were fruitless — he could 
not induce them to move forward. Until near the dawn did 
the general fruitlessly exert himself to restore some order, and 
prevail on the troops to advance ; but finding it impossible, and 
knowing that Orrantia was approaching, he was compelled to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 251 

abandon the assault, and to commence a retreat. With such 
troops as these, after the failure of an enterprise, a retreat 
must be synonymous with flight. Insensible that they could 
pass with more celerity and safety by preserving a regular 
order of march, they crowded to the defile by which they had 
entered, each one endeavouring to precede the other ; they 
soon choked up the pass, and a tumult ensued. A few of the 
enemy perceiving the retreat, ventured from their position, 
and fired some random shots. The confusion augmented 
with the alarm of the fugitives, lest they should be over- 
taken by the enemy, as they were thus huddled together. At 
length the general, with infinite difficulty, succeeded in allaying 
their apprehensions, and restored some little order among 
them. During this disastrous scene, Don Francisco Ortiz, 
one of the patriot officers, had with part of his troops gained 
the height on which stand the works of the Valenciana mine ; 
and most wantonly set fire to them. This act highly incensed 
Mina as he had uniformly given the most positive orders 
against the destruction of private property. 

The troops were at length extricated from the defile, and 
a little after sunrise reached La Mina de La Luz where a 
halt was made. The general could no longer conceal his 
deep mortification, nor restrain his exasperated feelings. To 
a body of patriot officers who were assembled around him, 
he observed, that they were unworthy that any man of charac- 
ter should espouse their cause. " Had you done your duty," 
said he, " your men would have done theirs, and Guanaxuato 
would have been ours." The order of the day passed a cen- 
sure on those who deserved it, and commended a few who 
had merited his applause by their good conduct. 

Having thus failed in his favourite enterprise against Guan- 
axuato, and having now no immediate object in view to em- 
ploy the troops ; in order to deceive the royalists as to his 
own movements, he dismissed them to their respective co- 
mandancias, where he believed they might be useful in ha- 
rassing the enemy, until he again required their services; 
thereby, at the same time, preserving his men and horses from 
the marches and countermarches to which they would have 



252 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

been subject from the pursuit of Orrantia, and recruiting them 
for his next attempt. He strictly enjoined those commandants 
whose stations were around Guanaxuato not to allow supplies 
of any kind to enter the city ; still fondly persuading himself 
that he would be able to renew the attack upon it with more 
effect. Retaining with him forty infantry and thirty cavalry, 
the general determined to proceed to the residence of his 
friend Don Mariano Herrera, at a neighbouring rancho called 
El Venadito. Accordingly, on the same evening, after having 
dismissed the troops, he took up his march for that place, but 
passed the night at a short distance from La Mina de la Luz. 

The Rancho del Venadito was composed of a few houses 
on the lands of the Tlachiquera, about one league distant from 
the hacienda, and eight from the town of Silao. Its owner, 
Don Mariano Herrera, was a native of Guanaxuato. A man 
of high respectability, and of a mind well cultivated. He had 
suffered severely from the royalists. Orrantia had laid waste 
the hacienda, burned the buildings, and pillaged the church, 
converting it into a stable. The unfortunate Don Mariano 
had fallen a prisoner into his hands, and had been carried off 
by him, together with all the property that could be collected. 
After being thus despoiled, and his fine estate destroyed, he 
was compelled to ransom his life by paying twenty thousand 
dollars. Upon being set at liberty, he returned to his estate, 
and there employed himself in the pursuits of agriculture. 
His mansion and buildings being burned, his crops destroyed, 
his cattle and moveables taken away, and his funds exhausted, 
he was unable to restore his estate to its pristine condition; and 
it became a place for his personal subsistence and rest. Indeed, 
had he possessed the means of recalling its former comforts 
and beauties, it would only have exposed him anew to the de- 
predations of an insatiable rapacity. He therefore constructed 
only a small house, and as his dependants were devoted to 
him, he hoped from the peculiar situation of the Venadito to 
enjoy a secure retreat. 

The Venadito was placed in a small circular barranca, in 
front of which was a small plain. The barranca was more or 
less covered with a copse, among which were interspersed 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 253 

large masses of rocks. Through these wound the only path to 
the high grounds surrounding, — a spacious table land, bound- 
ed at its extremity by barrancas. The road from Guanaxuato 
and Silao running through a long, narrow, and intricate bar- 
ranca, in which dwelt a numerous peasantry warmly attached 
to the cause of liberty, and devoted to Don Mariano, was sup- 
posed to afford complete protection from a surprise by the ene- 
my in that direction, as their approach could be communicat- 
ed to Don Mariano in sufficient time to enable him and his at- 
tendants to take refuge among the barrancas in the rear of the 
Venadito. On the other side, there were no royalist posts for 
a considei'able distance, and as the patriot troops under Ortiz 
ranged unmolested in that direction, no danger was thence 
apprehended. 

The Venadito was therefore deemed perfectly secure from a 
surprise by day, and at night it was the custom of Don Mariano 
to take refuge in the mountains ; so that although living in 
constant apprehension, yet he considered his person as secure. 
In this solitary spot Don Mariano passed his time, solaced by 
the attentions of a beloved sister, who had torn herself from 
her friends in Guanaxuato, to partake of her brother's fortune. 

Mina and Herrera had formed for each other a warm friend- 
ship ; the former gave to the latter his entire confidence, of 
which he was in every respect deserving. Mina arrived the 
next day, about noon, at the Venadito, where he was most 
cordially received by his friend. He understood that Orrantia 
was in Irapuato, at a loss to discover what direction he had 
taken, and he knew that he would be more confounded when 
he heard of the dispersion of the patriot troops. From these 
circumstances, and the position of the Venadito, Mina thought 
himself perfectly secure. He therefore determined to pass the 
night at the rancho with his friend, and ordered the horses of 
the cavalry out to pasture. During the afternoon Don Pedro 
Moreno, who resided in the neighbourhood, visited Mina and 
remained with him. The troops encamped in advance of the 
house; videttes were posted; and the general was so satis- 
fied of his security, that, contrary to his usual custom, he re- 
tired to rest on the floor in the house. We mention these cir- 



054 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

cumstances, because the sequel will show, that the general, in 
this rare instance of a departure from his usual habit of sleep- 
ing with his men, committed a most unfortunate error. 

Among the pernicious and impolitic practices of the patri- 
ots, was that of permitting priests to come out of the enemy's 
towns to perform mass among them. Many of these men 
were spies and agents of the royalists, and never failed to 
collect every possible information for the advantage of their 
masters. The road by which Mina had that morning passed, 
lay through a small pueblo to which a padre repaired weekly 
from Silao. It was Sunday when the general passed through 
it. The padre waited on him to pay his respects, conducting 
himself with all that humility and sycophancy which his fra- 
ternity so well know how to use, when a point is to be gained. 
Mina treated him as he always did persons of his description, 
with attention and respect, but at the same time with caution. 
The padre either was informed of or conjectured Mina's des- 
tination ; but be that as it may, he was so very anxious to car- 
ry the gratifying intelligence to the royalists, that the instant 
Mina departed from the pueblo, without waiting for his din- 
ner, he mounted his horse and set out for Silao, distant about 
five or six leagues. 

Mina's suppositions of Orrantia's incertitude of the course 
of his proceedings were well founded ; for the latter was total- 
ly at a loss where to look for the general, and had marched to 
Silao in that state of uncertainty. The dispersion of Mina's 
troops increased the perplexity of Orrantia ; but while he was 
in this state of confusion, (as he expressed himself in his des- 
patches to the viceroy,) he received from the priest the unex- 
pected but important information, that Mina had gone to the 
Venadito. Had not Orrantia by accident arrived in Silao 
that very evening, the padre's intentions and information must 
have been of no avail, because it was the intention of Mina to 
have marched from the Venadito the ensuing morning. A 
concurrence of unfortunate circumstances, however, seems to 
have led to that catastrophe which we are about to narrate. Or- 
rantia, notwithstanding the fatigue of his troops, lost not a 
moment in putting them in motion, and having gained a posi- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 25$ 

tion suitable for his design, placed them in ambush near the 
Venadito, intending, as soon as day -light should enable him to 
discern objects, to fall upon Mina's party. 

At dawn of the morning of the 27"th, Orrantia's cavalry 
sallied from the ambush, and advanced in full speed on Mina's 
encampment. The alarm was given. The troopers of Mina, 
finding themselves cut off from their horses at pasture, min- 
gled with the infantry, whose first impulse was to save them- 
selves by flight. If thirty infantry only had united at that 
juncture, such was the situation of the ground, that they could 
have repelled the whole force of Orrantia, or at least could 
have held him in check and made good their retreat. But 
officers and soldiers thought of nothing but their own safety; 
in the utmost disorder they rushed forward to gain the sum- 
mit of the hills, and thence escape by the barrancas in the rear. 
v Mina, awakened by the noise and tumult of his flying troops, 
started from the floor, and rushed out of the house in the same 
apparel in which he had passed the night, without coat, hat, 
or even his sword. Regardless of his person, his first object 
was to attempt the rallying of his flying troops : but all his 
exertions were unavailing. He soon found himself alone. He 
beheld the enemy pursuing and cutting down his flying com- 
rades ; and attempted, when too late, to secure his own safety : 
but the enemy were upon him. Still hallooing to the fugitives 
' to halt and form, he was seized by a dragoon : having no arms 
whatever, resistance was useless. 

If Mina, on first leaving the house, had attempted to escape, 
he might have succeeded with as much ease as many others : 
but we suppose such a thought never entered his mind. His 
favourite servant, a coloured boy of New Orleans, after the 
general left the house, saddled his best horse, and went in 
pursuit of his master, carrying likewise his sword and pistols ; 
but unfortunately he found him not. 

The dragoon who captured Mina was ignorant of the rank 
of his prisoner, until informed of it by the general himself. 
He was then pinioned, and conducted into the presence of 
Orrantia, who in the most arrogant manner began to reproach 
him for having taken up arms against his sovereign, and to 



256 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

interrogate him concerning his motives in thus becoming a- 
traitor, insulting him, and lavishing upon him the bitterest 
criminations. Mina, who on the most trying occasions never 
lost his presence of mind and characteristic firmness, replied 
to the interrogatories in so sarcastic a strain, and with such 
strong expressions of contempt and indignation manifested in 
his countenance, that the brutal Orrantia started from his seat, 
and beat with the J? at of his sword his disarmed and pinioned 
prisoner. Mina, motionless as a statue, endured this indig- 
nity ; and then, with a crest brightened by conscious greatness, 
and an eye glowing with the fires of an elevated spirit, he 
looked down upon his conqueror, and said ; " I regret being 
made a prisoner ; but to fall into the hands of one regardless 
of the character of a Spaniard and a soldier, renders my mis- 
fortune doubly keen." The maganimity of Mina filled every 
man present with admiration, and even Orrantia stood con- 
founded with the severity of his rebuke. 

The capture of Mina was considered by the Spanish govern- 
ment as an event of such high importance, that they have ho- 
noured the present viceroy, Don Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, with 
the title of Conde del Venadito. Linan and Orrantia have been 
presented with military crosses ; and to the dragoon who ac- 
tually took Mina, a yearly stipend has been assigned, accom- 
panied by promotion to the station of a corporal. 

A letter, purporting to be written by Mina to Linan, on the 
3d of November, after his capture, has appeared in the Mexi- 
can Gazette, which, although it contains nothing but what 
might be expected from a man whose mind was soured by the 
conduct of such men as Padre Torres, yet is couched in a style 
that renders it a suspicious document; besides that the whole 
tenor of Mina's conduct, from the moment of his capture to 
that of his execution, forbids the belief of his having written 
the letter in question. We further know, that subsequent to 
his capture, he wrote a letter to his countryman, Don Pablo 
Erdozain, who commanded at the work of Tepeaca, in which 
letter, written in the provincial dialect of Navarre, he gives 
some instructions about his own private affairs, and concludes 
by wishing Erdozain success, and exhorting him to pursue a 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 257 

conduct marked by honour and consistency. We have thought 
proper to mention these circumstances, in order to counteract 
any erroneous impression that may have been made by the 
publication before alluded to in the Mexican Gazette. We 
have, on other occasions, noticed the recantations and peniten- 
tial documents published in that Gazette, relative'to Hidalgo, 
Morelos, and other patriot chiefs, all of which are now well 
known to have been forgeries of the rpyallsts, for the purpose 
of deceiving the people. 

Five of the officers of Mina's division, and some few of the 
soldiers, escaped from the Venadito. Don Jose Maria Lice- 
aga succeeded in his flight on horseback. The Creole troops 
in general began their flight so early in the alarm, that they 
had time to conceal themselves in the broken ground. Of 
the division, four men were killed. Don Pedro Moreno, who 
had fled up the side of the barranca, w r as overtaken, killed, and 
his head severed from his body : this trophy was afterwards 
stuck on a pole. Don Mariano Herrera, and about fourteen 
of the troops, were made prisoners : these, with the exception 
of Don Mariano,* were executed. 

* The fate of this generous friend of Mina is marked by so many singular 
circumstances, that it would be unpardonable to pass over it without notice. 
Don Mariano was conducted to Irapuato, and there thrown into prison. His 
affectionate sister accompanied him. Her exertions were unremitting to save 
her brother's life. On her knees, in his behalf, she implored the mercy of 
the leaders of the royalists. Her intercession at length prevailed. After 
he had been sentenced to death, and was blindfolded at the place of execu- 
tion, he was reprieved. Unexpectedly snatched from the threshold of the 
grave, he was bereft of reason ; and, in the close confinement in which he was 
subsequently placed, became permanently deranged. His only and constant 
employment was twisting his beard, which had grown very long. He became 
unconscious even of the presence of his sister; and his few incoherent expres- 
sions were lamentations for the fate of his friend Mina. The exertions of the 
sister to alleviate the situation of her wretched brother, were unceasing. 

The last account we received of Don Mariano and his estimable sister, was 
in September, 1818; at which period the latter was in the hacienda de Bur- 
ras, on her return to Irapuato from Guanaxuato, whither she had repaired 
to obtain from the royal authorities permission to adopt some means for the 
relief of her brother. She had so far succeeded as to procure permission 

(33) 



258 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Orrantia, after the disgraceful scene we have already no- 
ticed, inquired the force of the patriots in his, neighbour- 
hood. Mina informed him ; when, conceiving perhaps that a 
desperate effort might be made to rescue the general, he im- 
mediately retreated upon Silao with his prisoner, who was 
treated with every indignity. This ungenerous treatment was 
borne by Mina with his characteristic fortitude. The situa- 
tion of his companions engrossed his reflections ; and while on 
the road, his endeavours to cheer them up were constant. 

On reaching Silao, he was put into irons by his savage con- 
ductor. Thence he was removed to Irapuato, and finally to 
Linan's head-quarters in front of Tepeaca at Los Remedios, 
where he was committed to the care of the regiment of Na- 
varra. There, his treatment was such as a brave man deserv- 
ed ; every humane attention was shown him, and his situation 
was made as comfortable as possible. 

We have understood that among the few of the papers which 
fell into the hands of the enemy were some in cipher. To ob- 
tain an explanation of these was a matter of great consequence, 
because they would develop the names of certain patriots who 
resided within their walls, and who had held correspondence 
with Mina. Fortunately for the writers, Mina had been accus- 
tomed, on receiving any communication of importance, to copy 
it, and destroy the original. All his answers to their inqui- 
ries breathed fidelity to a cause in which he had been so shame- 
fully treated, and thus displayed in a new light the nobleness 
of his character. We have conversed with some royal officers 
who were present at these conversations ; and they have as- 
sured us, that such was the admiration excited by his conduct, 
that there were few officers in Linan's army who did not sym- 
pathize in Mina's misfortune, and were much more disposed 
to liberate than to sacrifice him. 

from Linares, the commandant general, to remove him, on giving two secu- 
rities, each under heavy penalties, that he should return to his prison in 
Irapuato, in the event of his being restored to his reason, to his hacienda of 
the Tlachiquera, where she hoped, by the change of scene, to calm his ima- 
gination. How far she had succeeded in her pious intentions, we regret that 
we cannot ascertain. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 259 

Upon the arrival at Mexico of the express which had been 
despatched to announce the capture of Mina, couriers were 
sent by the viceroy to every part of the kingdom, to convey the 
cheering intelligence. Te Deums were chanted in the churches; 
salutes of artillery, illuminations, and rejoicings, took place in 
every town in possession of the royalists ; and such was the 
general joy among them, that they hailed the capture of Mina 
as the termination of the revolution. These demonstrations 
on the part of the government and its adherents, are in them- 
selves no common eulogium on the character of Mina. 

In the city of Mexico, a great anxiety prevailed to behold 
Mina, and had he reached that place, great interest would 
have been made to save his life ; but the viceroy, fearing the 
consequences that might ensue should he be brought thither, 
and being in constant dread lest he should escape, despatched 
an order to Linan for the immediate execution of his prisoner. 

When this order was communicated to Mina, he received 
it without any visible emotion. He continued to resist all 
overtures for the purpose of drawing information from him, 
but regretted that he had not landed in Mexico one year 
sooner, when his services would have been more effective. 
He likewise regretted quitting life so deeply indebted to cer- 
tain individuals, who had generously aided his enterprise. 

On the 11th of November (as well as we can now recollect) 
he was conducted under a military escort to the fatal ground, 
attended by a file of the Cacadores of the regiment of Zara- 
goza. In this last scene of his life was the hero of Navarre 
not unmindful of his character; with a firm step he advanced 
to the fatal spot, and with his usual serenity told the soldiers 
to take good aim, " T no me hagais sufrir" (and don't let me 
suffer.) The officer commanding gave the accustomed signal ; 
they fired ; and that spirit fled from earth, which, for all the 
qualities which constitute the hero and the patriot, seemed to 
have been born for the good of mankind. 

So anxious was the government that his death should be 
confirmed, that Linan was instructed that a surgeon from each 
European regiment, and a captain of every company, should 
attend the execution, who should certify that Mina was dead, 



260 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

and moreover describe the manner in which the balls entered 
his body, and note the one that caused his death. This was 
done, and the singular document was afterwards published in 
the Gazette of Mexico. 

Thus perished this gallant youth, in the twenty-eighth year 
of his age. His short but brilliant career entitles him to a 
distinguished place on the list of those heroes who have shed 
their blood in bold and generous exertions to break the tyrant's 
sceptre, and to extend the blessings of freedom among the 
human race. 

No man was ever better calculated to execute an enterprise 
of hazard than Xavier Mina. His person was slight, but well 
formed, and about five feet seven inches in height. His phy- 
sical structure was well adapted for action. His moral quali- 
ties were great ; personal valour he possessed in an eminent 
degree. Serene in the hour of danger, he was always prepared 
to seize upon any advantages that were offered by the conjunc- 
ture of events. At the head of his men, he infused into them 
his own spirit. In his diet, he was frugal in the extreme ; no 
privations nor hardships seemed to affect him. He always 
preferred the simplest beverage. His cloak and saddle were 
his usual bed ; even in the worst of weather, when every ac- 
commodation could have been afforded him, he encamped with 
his troops. He was affable, generous, and candid ; his mo- 
deration and humanity were alike conspicuous, and to all the 
qualities of the soldier he united the manners and accomplish- 
ments of the gentleman. 

To fail in great undertakings has been the lot of many a 
gallant man as well as Mina, and the world is ever ready to 
point out the measures which would have averted such failures. 
Inexperience may be excused for liberties of this nature, be- 
cause they are generally the expression of wishes, rather than 
of judgments, as to what might have been done. 

We think that the facts developed in the course of this 
work, unequivocally demonstrate that Mina was sacrificed to 
ignorance, to jealousy, and to a combination of unfortunate 
circumstances, which no foresight could have anticipated, and 
which led to the melancholy termination of a career, as full of 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 261 

lustre as any of the same duration recorded on the historic 
page. Mina, at his outset in this undertaking, had to depend 
on the liberality of the mercantile world. The support he 
received as well in London as at Baltimore, was limited to a 
few generous individuals ; he was in hopes that their example 
would inspire others, but he was disappointed at a time when 
liberal succours were most wanted. 

We have, in the early part of this work, noticed, that at 
New Orleans a proposal was made to him, to attack and take 
Pensacola, an operation perfectly accordant with Mina's views, 
because Pensacola would have been to him a centre, where he 
might have collected troops, and might have organized his 
expedition against Mexico in a suitable manner; but he found 
that the parties at New Orleans not only were niggardly as 
to the resources they offered, but so ungenerous in the terms 
upon which they would assist the expedition, that he found 
it incompatible with his dignity and ulterior plans to under- 
take it. It is not necessary to go into a detail of all the disap- 
pointments of the general, such as we have found them to have 
been from an examination of his papers, because we should 
thereby wound the feelings or excite the ill will of certain indi- 
viduals, who perhaps may not be so much to blame as we infer 
from the perusal of the papers in question. But of this point 
we are certain, that, if Mina had been in possession of funds, 
he could with the greatest facility have taken Pensacola, there 
raised two thousand men, and have decided the fate of Mexi- 
co in a few months. Indeed, with one thousand foreigners 
he would have beaten all the royalists under the command of 
Arredondo, and could then have penetrated into the internal 
provinces of Mexico, or have moved towards the capital if 
circumstances should justify it, or he would have had his 
choice of a route through Old Mexico, where he would have 
been joined by as many thousand natives as his situation re- 
quired. 

When Mina formed his plans in London, for the emanci- 
pation of Mexico, and even after his arrival in the United 
States, there did not exist any positive laws of either Great 
Britain or of the United States to interfere with his enterprise. 



262 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

Besides, the royal forces receiving at that time succours of 
arms and ships from the private enterprise of both countries, 
the laws of neutrality, which require that both belligerents 
should be treated alike, necessarily entitled the patriots to the 
same privileges. The occasion was therefore favourable for 
his undertaking; but, as we before have said, funds were not 
forth coming, and Mina had no alternative, but either to aban- 
don it entirely, or pursue it under all the straitened and un- 
fortunate circumstances which surrounded him. That spirit 
of enterprise which once distinguished the mercantile body in, 
the United States, splendid, adventurous, and successful, has 
become more narrow and personal than in former times. This 
change, from broad and comprehensive adventures to partial 
and separate undertakings, had a most pernicious effect on the 
expedition under Mina. The few merchants, who generously 
afforded aid, — suffered ; the majority of their countrymen who 
embarked in the sacred cause, together with- their leader, — 
perished; and instead of a field of commercial enterprise being 
laid open, embracing the richest regions of North America, 
the whole expedition was lost. It is not now practicable to 
estimate accurately the extent of the commerce that would 
have been opened, the amount of wealth that would have 
been acquired, or the number of ships and seamen which 
would have been employed, had the cause of Mexico been 
suitably sustained. 

We have heard much of the assistance which the Mexican 
patriots have received from individuals in the United States; 
and indeed if we were to believe the one-tenth part of what 
the chevalier Onis has stated on this subject, we might sup- 
pose that the American merchants had been liberal in the ex- 
treme, in the supplies afforded to the Mexican people ; but the 
real fact is, that a single house in London has supplied a larger 
amount of arms and clothing to Venezuela, than has been af- 
forded by all the merchants of the United States to Mexico ; 
at the same time that the royal armies were fed, and furnished 
with ammunition, ships, and every species of supply, from otfr 
principal sea-ports. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 263 

The resources which Mina obtained at Baltimore were 
small, although Don Onis magnified his expedition greatly. 
In his terrified imagination, it was converted into a formida- 
ble army, a vast train of artillery, and moreover, a large body 
of the imperial guard. This exaggeration served the minister's 
purposes ; and the impressions made by his romantic tales 
excited such an alarm in the Holy Alliance, as to produce 
orders for a diplomatic attack on the government of the United 
States ; the further notice of which does not properly belong to 
these memoirs. It was in vain that Mina endeavoured to con- 
vince some merchants of the United States of the advantages 
they would derive from the political and commercial emancipa- 
tion of Mexico. It was in vain that he offered the most flat- 
tering terms for ample supplies ; while the influence of the 
Spanish agents, through the contracts which they were enabled 
to bestow, produced such an influence on the monied men, 
and the monied institutions of some of our principal cities, as 
to interfere materially with the necessities of Mina, and the 
emancipation of Mexico, 

The want of proper support from the mercantile world, was 
ihzjirst great obstacle which Mina had to contend against. 
The second^ and most serious impediment to his enterprise, 
was the jealousy of Padre Torres. When Mina, with his lit- 
tle band of three hundred men, scarcely two-thirds of whom 
Were foreigners, had fought his way into the interior of the 
kingdom, after a march of more than six hundred miles, gain- 
ing successive battles, confounding the royalists by his chi- 
valrous exploits, and at length effecting his junction with the 
patriots, in the intendancy of Guanaxuato, eighty leagues only 
from the seat of government, we find that he had to encounter 
a perfidious enemy in the very man who ought to have been 
his firm and cordial friend. The proofs we have furnished of 
the jealousy and hatred of Mina which Padre Torres nourish- 
ed, leave not a shadow of doubt that the sacrifice of the latter, 
as well as the failure of his undertaking, is to be attributed in 
an especial measure to this vindictive priest. Even after the 
capture of the heroic Mina, Torres gave further proofs of the 
jealous and rancorous feelings that actuated his conduct. 



264 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

We have already stated that Mina had been conducted to 
the head-quarters of Linan, in front of Tepeaca, and there re- 
tained a prisoner. This was known to the garrison in Los 
Remedios, and also that his fate was suspended till the return 
of a courier from the viceroy. During this interval, several 
of the foreign officers of the division, as well as some gallant 
Creoles, proposed forming a select corps of txvo hundred de- 
termined men, to storm the enemy's works, and rescue the ge- 
neral at every hazard. The design was as bold and feasible, 
as it was noble and practicable : every officer in the fort be- 
longing to Mina's division was willing to rtiave perished, ra- 
ther than not to have succeeded in the attempt. It would have 
cost some lives ; perhaps those of one-half of the adventurers, 
but there can scarcely be a doubt that the plan would have 
succeeded, as the enemy, confiding in the natural strength of 
their position, were lulled into entire security. Doctor Hen- 
nessey was deputed to lay the proposal before Padre Torres. 
His urgent requests were discountenanced by the unfeeling 
monster, whose uniform excuse was, that it xvould cost too 
great a sacrifice of lives. The sacrifice of Mina was his dar- 
ling wish. He well knew the injuries he had already done the 
general, and that if the latter survived, such was his popularity 
that it was probable he would become the leading chief of the 
revolution. In fine, Torres refused permission for a single man 
to leave the fort, and denounced the enterprise as an act of 
rashness. He was supported in this opinion by colonel Noboa, 
the second in command in the fort. We deem it necessary, 
injustice to Mina, to state some facts relative to Noboa. He 
was a Spaniard. In the expedition, Mina appointed him chief 
of the staff. He possessed some theoretic knowledge, and was 
conversant in the smaller details ; was an excellent drill officer, 
but whenever he ventured beyond the duties of that station, 
his deficiencies became manifest. In his manners he was ar- 
rogant and supercilious. In such service as that in Mexico, 
these defects might have been overlooked, but his conduct in 
the action at Peotillos, at Pinos, and at San Juan de los Llanos, 
had been such as to divest him of the necessary confidence. 
At the Jaral, his negligence was the cause of the marquis's 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 265 

escape, and on that occasion he likewise committed such a dis- 
graceful excess, that Mina ordered his aid, lieutenant-colonel 
Ai*ago, to communicate to him a severe reprehension. For 
this act he never forgave Mina, and became his secret enemy. 
His conduct during the siege of Los Remedios was by no 
means on a par with that of his comrades, and badly suited the 
important command he held in it. He rarely left his quarters 
during day-light, occasionally visited the batteries at night, 
but on no occasion displayed either zeal, activity, or energy. 
He became, in fact, the creature of Torres, and consequently 
the enemy of Mina. For this reason, he disapproved of the 
daring scheme to attempt the rescue of the unfortunate pri- 
soner. 

We have thus touched on the prominent causes which led 
to the failure of Mina's undertaking, and to his own death. It 
will likewise have been seen, from what we have before re- 
marked of the state of the revolution at the time of his land- 
ing on the Mexican coast, that the moment was unpropitious 
for the execution of his enterprise, and that he was prevented 
by untoward circumstances from uniting his small force with 
that of either Victoria or Teran. It is true, that both of those 
generals, at the time Mina was at Soto la Marina, had experi- 
enced serious reverses, yet neither of them was entirely over- 
come ; and as Mina had with him a considerable number of 
arms, if fortune had not frowned he could have raised, either 
in the intendancy of Vera Cruz, or at Tehuacan in that of La- 
Puebla, any number of men that might have been required ; 
for we know from personal observation, that in either of the 
two last named intendancies, as well as in the populous one of 
Oaxaca, Mina would have been cordially received by almost 
every class of inhabitants. It is also true, that according to 
the Mexican Gazette of that epoch, the insurrection is stated to 
have been nearly quelled; that is, the revolutionists had then 
no armies that deserved the name. But the spirit of the people 
was unsubdued, and their feelings of hatred to the Spanish go- 
vernment was unchanged. The document of the bishop of 
Mechoacan, which was published about that time, gave a his- 
torv of the state of Mexico, which could not have been sus- 
(34-1 



266 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

pected of exaggeration, since it was addressed to the monarch 
of Spain by one of the few of his adherents who dared to 
speak the truth. There had no doubt been many disasters, and 
there was that kind of calm which succeeds to all storms ; but a 
spark would then have lighted up a new flame, and xvould nozu i 
in every section of the viceroyalty. That hatred of Spain 
and a desire to be free from her control are the predominant 
feelings of the Mexicans, no one acquainted with their* real 
character can deny ; and that they will again develop their ir- 
revocable alienation from the Spanish government, on the first 
favourable occasion that may offer, is beyond a doubt. 

Although it might be more in place to introduce the ensu- 
ing observations as the concluding portion of our narrative, 
yet to ward off from that gallant youth, whose career we have 
just been tracing, the charge of rashness in invading Mexico, 
we think proper to introduce here our views of the practica- 
bility of expelling the Spaniard from the throne of that king- 
dom, evincing thereby the truth of the remark we have so of- 
ten urged upon the reader, that Mina's disasters were altoge- 
ther owing to the intervention of causes which prudence could 
not have anticipated, nor wisdom remedied. 

The whole number of European Spaniards in the viceroy- 
alty do not exceed sixty thousand. Even the fidelity of many 
of these to the royal government is very equivocal. We have 
frequently heard them utter sentiments as strong and as ar- 
dent in favour of the emancipation of Mexico, as we have 
ever heard from any Creole. The Spanish troops, we know, 
have become weary of, and alarmed at, the warfare practised 
in Mexico. The European soldiers at present there, as well 
as those who may in future be sent from Spain, will be found 
reluctant combatants, in the event of further military opera- 
tions in those parts of the viceroyalty that are at present tran- 
quil. Privations and death, under the most horrible shapes, 
stare the Spanish soldier in the face, in whatever part of the 
New World he sets his foot, under the royal banner ; freedom, 
wealth, and independence are at his choice, whenever he 
thinks proper to forsake it. Officers and soldiers, on depart- 
ing from Spain for America, take a final adieu of their families 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 267 

and friends. The sailing of an expedition from Cadiz has 
become almost a funeral ceremony; indeed, it may be strictly 
so called, because, within the last ten years, Spanish America 
has become either the adopted country or the sepulchre of 
almost every officer and soldier who has left the Peninsula. 
The diseases incident to the coasts of Spanish America, and 
the barbarous warfare carried on in its interior, would not only 
destroy all the armies of Spain, but those of any other Eu- 
ropean nation, not even excepting those of the empire of the 
Russias. The whole number of Spanish European troops, at 
the period of the latest advices, in all the viceroyalty of Mexi- 
co, was short oifour thousand eight hundred,. This force, or 
even five times the number, would be insufficient to maintain 
the sovereignty of Spain over Mexico a single week. It is on 
the Creole royal troops that the government of Spain has had 
to depend for several years, and on them now rests the pre- 
servation of the viceroyalty. Of these last mentioned troops, 
a great proportion are men who at some period of the revoke 
tion have been in the patriot service, but, for reasons which 
have been assigned in the course of the work, are at present 
in the service of the crown. 

Prior to the revolution, the Spanish government had been 
very careful to prohibit the body of the people from the use 
of fire-arms, and indeed all other military weapons. Since 
the present struggles, necessity has compelled the Spanish go- 
vernment to place arms in the hands of the Creole population, 
and to conciliate them by means never before employed or 
permitted ; so that these, as well as those who have been in 
the service of the patriots, have acquired the use of arms, and 
they now feel an importance in society which they can never 
relinquish nor be divested of, and which must bring to their 
minds a constant comparison of the present, with their condi- 
tion ten or twelve years ago ; so that if the Spanish govern- 
ment were now to attempt disarming these royal Creoles, their 
authority would not be long-lived. 

The interchange of sentiments between that portion of the 
Creoles who have been insurgents and those who have con- 
tinued faithful to the royal cause, has already produced effects 



268 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

which fill the authorities in Mexico with great alarm ; and 
there is scarcely any abatement of those effects, since the 
period that the eloquent Bishop of Mechoacan so forcibly re- 
presented them. Indeed political rights and personal wrongs 
now constitute the private, and perpetual theme of conversa- 
tion between the royal and patriot Creole. Among the latter, 
not one in ten thousand will ever be a sincerely faithful sub- 
ject of the Spanish government, while the transition from a 
royalist to a revolutionist is easy, without danger or peril, and 
congenial to the feelings of nearly every Mexican Creole. 

The present viceroy, who has conducted himself with ex- 
traordinary address in a critical situation, has stated in his 
despatches to the court of Spain, that he has reduced all the 
fortifications, and pacified nearly all the parts of the country 
in which were bodies of patriots ; that he has captured such 
a party ; that another has capitulated ; and that more than 
eighty thousand of the deluded wretches have received the 
royal pardon, and adhered to their oath of allegiance to their 
legitimate sovereign. He assures the Spanish cabinet, that 
only some small bodies of banditti remain, which he hopes 
soon to exterminate. He states, that since the capture and 
execution of Mina, all hopes of success on the part of the in- 
surgents in Mexico have been abandoned, and he even car- 
ries his consolatory assurances so far as to say, that no more 
European troops need at present be sent from Spain to Mexi- 
co, as he has the firmest reliance on the fidelity of the Creole 
royalists. These flattering accounts are received at Madrid 
with the same credulity as were the advices of Mina's embark- 
ation with a splendid train of artillery at Baltimore ; they have 
been published in the Gazette of Madrid, and circulated over 
Spain and the rest of Europe. The facts already noticed, and 
others which we have yet to state, will probably remove the 
veil of deception which has hitherto been thrown over the 
affairs of Mexico by the artifices and influence of the Spanish 
agents; and to every impartial reader present a view of the 
actual state of society in that country. We say that the roy- 
al forces at present in Mexico, consist of but few European 
troops, the main body of them being composed of pardoned 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 269 

insurgents, and disaffected Creoles. We have stated that 
these forces are only royalists by accident or necessity, and 
that nine-tenths of them are impatient to abandon the Spanish 
standard. On the first occasion that they find a rallying point 
in a moderate force of disciplined foreign troops, with judici- 
ous leaders, they will use the opportunity to effect the inde- 
pendence of Mexico. 

We have already depicted the conduct of the royal troops, in 
their different marches, sieges, and battles with Mina; and we 
have seen the exploits that this youth performed, with a mere 
handful of only three hundred men, of which, as we have be- 
fore observed, less than two-thirds were foreigners. A gene- 
ral opinion prevails, as well in Europe as in the United States, 
that to make Mexico independent will be a very difficult un- 
dertaking. Taught by experience, we are of the contrary opi- 
nion ; and have no hesitation in saying, that if a number of fo- 
reign troops, equal to that which within the last three years has 
been raised in Great Britain, and translated to Venezuela, had 
landed in Mexico, its independence would have been accom* 
plished within three months from their disembarkation. The 
brave men who have been recently raised in Ireland, by the pa- 
triotic general D'E vereux, would have been more than sufficient 
to have decided the destinies of Mexico. Our assertion is sup- 
ported, not merely by what we have shown was effected by 
Mina, with his small band of foreigners, and by other facts 
which we have stated, but also by our personal knowledge of 
the general solicitude of the Mexican people to be emancipated 
irom Spanish domination. 

We admit that the conquest of Mexico, -with the view of 
■its being held dependent on any foreign power, would be an 
impracticable undertaking; for it is their subjection to foreign 
rule that excites their abhorrence ; and in resisting such an 
attempt by any other nation on earth, the Spanish government 
would.be aided by the united exertions of all classes of Creoles 
and Indians ; and the war would become like that in Spain 
against France. But if an invading army should erect the 
banners of freedom, and proclaim the emancipation of Mexico 



270 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

from all foreign dependence, they would be hailed as deliver- 
ers, and would receive the cordial support of the great mass 
of the Mexican population. 

We have seen the difficulties which the Spanish govern- 
ment experienced in concentrating a sufficient force to check 
the operations of Mina, and to subdue the patriots under such 
incapable officers as Padre Torres and his subalterns. Indeed, 
our opinion is, that had Lilian been defeated by Mina, the 
royalists could not have collected another army, sufficient to 
oppose him. That Lilian was not defeated, is solely to be 
attributed to the ignorance and want of energy of Padre Tor- 
res, and his jealousy of Mina. We are aware that it may be 
said, that any other distinguished foreigner would be liable to 
be treated as Mina was, from the jealousy of the Creole chiefs. 
One thousand foreign bayonets would place him above the in- 
fluence of their jealous feeling ; and besides, we hope, for the 
honour of the Mexican Creoles, that there are but a few among 
them capable of acting the base part that Torres and Moreno 
acted towards Mina. We feel great pleasure in stating, that 
we have seen hundreds of Creole officers, possessing the most 
generous and grateful feelings towards such foreigners as had 
come among them, .either as visiters or with a view to aid 
them. Among the old Spaniards, jealousy towards foreigners 
is a principle flowing from education and interest ; it is the 
necessary consequence of the knowledge of their own weak- 
ness, and has been particularly fostered by their government. 

Among some of the elder Creoles likewise, some prejudices 
towards strangers are occasionally perceptible; but among the 
rising generation of Creoles, and particularly among those 
who have risen from youth to manhood since the revolution, 
we have scarcely met with an exception to their attachment 
to foreigners, with which the sentiment of liberty is always 
united. The young Creole of Mexico is perhaps the most 
ingenuous and generous of the human race ; and, so far from 
his viewing the stranger as an intruder in his country, he la- 
vishes on him unbounded hospitality, and appears only eager 
to acquire knowledge, and to form his manners from every 
pleasing example he sees. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 271 

We confess, that when we entered the Mexican territory, 
we were astonished to find the character of the Creoles so dif- 
ferent from the representations that had always been made 
concerning it ; and when we reflected on their mode of edu- 
cation, their entire non-intercourse with the people of civilized 
nations, and their limited literature, we were the more aston- 
ished to find them so liberal in their sentiments. In truth, we 
are perfectly convinced, that when the Mexicans shall enjoy 
the blessings of a free government, and the advantages of a li- 
beral education, they will speedily become as estimable a peo- 
ple as can any where be found. We likewise think it of some 
importance to remark, that the Creole female, whether united 
in marriage to a European Spaniard, or to one of her own 
countrymen, is secretly or openly an enemy to the Spanish go- 
vernment : — this trait in their character we have seen frequent- 
ly evinced, in the most striking manner. The threats of pun- 
ishment have no effect in restraining them. During the revo- 
lution, they have been the faithful friends of the patriots ; and, 
on many occasions, have given proofs of their intrepid spirit. 
Every defeat of the revolutionists clouded their brows, with 
sorrow ; while their fine eyes would beam through tears of 
joy, when they heard of the triumphs of the patriots over the 
Gachupins. The maternal songs they chant to their babes, 
are conceived in the spirit of liberty, and marked with hatred 
to the despotism of Spain. Ask a child of only five or six 
years old if it is a Spaniard, and it will with indignation re- 
ply, " No soy Gachnpin, soy Americano." — I am not a Gachu- 
pin, I am an American. 

No gift of prophecy is necessary to predict the consequen- 
ces that must ensue, when mothers thus inspire their children. 
Those consequences have already, in the short space of nine 
years, developed themselves in a manner that may well excite 
the fears of Spain for the tenure of her dominion over the Mexi- 
can kingdom. To preserve her tottering sovereignty, she has 
been obliged to establish garrisons in almost every city and 
village in the viceroyalty. Even on the haciendas, royal 
troops must be stationed, to keep the inhabitants in subjection. 



272 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

In the intendancies of Vera Cruz, La Puebla, Mexico, Gua- 
dalaxara, Zacatecas, Valladolid, Guanaxuato, and in part of 
that of San Luis Potosi, detachments of from fifty to four hun- 
dred men are stationed at every few leagues distance from 
each other ; thus their military force is scattered over an im- 
mense surface, so that in the event of an invasion, the govern- 
ment has only this alternative — to withdraw their troops from 
their scattered outposts, or expose them to be beaten in detail. 
Whenever their troops are withdrawn to any central point, the 
inhabitants will immediately break out in insurrection. The ve- 
ry circumstance of the troops being thus quartered in villages 
and on estates, betrays to the people the fears of the govern- 
ment, while the soldiers themselves, (being generally Creoles,) 
by forming connexions in the districts where they are quar- 
tered, are much more likely, in the event of future insurrec- 
tions, to take the side of the people, and the cause of their 
country, than to adhere to a government which they already 
dislike. We consider, in fact, every Creole regiment at present 
in Mexico, under the Spanish standard, as training for the 
establishment of the future freedom of their country. This as- 
sertion is founded on a knowledge of their character and feel- 
ings ; and indeed many European Spanish officers have con- 
fessed to us the important fact. 

The Creole officers in the royal regiments we pronounce al- 
most without an exception to be royalists only in appearance ; 
they are at heart sincere patriots, ardently desirous of seeing 
their country emancipated from Spain, the moment it can be 
accomplished in a proper manner. Repeatedly have several 
of these officers said to the writer, " Ah ! if the insurgents had 
not stained the first steps of the revolution with outrageous ex- 
cesses which alarmed us all, we should have joined them, and 
established the independence of our country six years ago." 
This opinion is not expressed alone by the Creole royal offi- 
cers, but by every enlightened native with whom we have con- 
versed ; and although the viceroy Apodaca says, in his late 
official despatches, that tranquillity is restored throughout the 
kingdom, we conceive that he is too well aware, that it is only 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 273 

a deceptive calm. It is true, that in the great provinces of 
Vera Cruz, La Puebla, Oaxaca, and Mexico, the insurgents 
are no longer organized in hostile bodies, but the character 
and feelings of the inhabitants are unchanged, and they are 
daily becoming better acquainted with their true interests. 
The pardoned insurgents, in those provinces, now mingle with 
those who have been called royalists. They discuss among 
themselves their errors, their misfortunes, and their rights. 
A certain Spanish officer of distinction stated to the writer, 
that " although much had been said about shooting the insur- 
gents, yet it was now useless to pursue that system, for he 
conceived that every Creole and Indian in the country either 
already was, or would shortly become, an insurgent ; and be- 
cause about eighty thousand o£ those dangerous men, who were 
before scattered in forests, are now in our towns and cities, 
where they are circulating their poison in the bosoms of our 
families ; therefore," said he, " the royal indultos have only 
prepared the way for those eighty thousand men to contami- 
nate the royalists, and to organize new convulsions." 

We have no doubt, that every one of those pardoned insur- 
gents would be shot to-morrow, if their fate depended on the 
Spanish government ; but at the present day, such an experi- 
ment would be too dangerous, because there is not a royal 
Creole who would not turn his bayonet against any authority 
that should dare to violate the faith which has been pledged to 
the insurgents. We likewise have not the least doubt, that if 
the Spanish government could pour into Mexico myriads of 
European troops, so as to garrison every town and village of 
the kingdom, that every royal Creole would be deprived of 
his arms ; but as Spain never can send a force capable of effect- 
ing such an object, it follows, that her sovereignty now de- 
pends, and must continue dependent, on the fidelity of the 
Creole troops. 

The actual state of society in Mexico having been thus 
illustrated, it must be obvious to the reader, that the under- 
taking of the enterprising Mina, was by no means of that des- 
perate nature which it has been represented to have been in 
various publications. It failed from causes which we think 
{35) 



274 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

have been amply explained ; but he and his brave little band, 
by marching from the Mexican coast to Guanaxuato, have 
shown what may be accomplished at a future day by some 
more fortunate heroes. 

Two thousand foreign infantry led by intelligent and gallant 
officers would overturn the Spanish government in Mexico, 
in less than six months from the day of their landing either on 
the coast of the Pacific ocean, or that of the Gulf of Mexico. 
The moment that it was known that a respectable invading 
army had landed with the avowed object of assisting the peo- 
ple to throw off the yoke of Spain, we repeat what we have 
before suggested, that they would be joined by as many Mexi- 
cans as it would be possible to arm and organize. The go- 
vernment would be compelled to withdraw the royal troops 
from their present positions ; insurrections would follow ; and 
the fate of Mexico would in all human probability be speedily 
decided. 

Along the range of coast in the Gulf of Mexico there is not 
a single spot, excepting Vera Cruz, where two thousand men 
would be unable to effect a landing ; for, although the coast 
cannot be closely approached by ships drawing much water, 
yet every part of it will permit the landing of troops from 
open boats; and by marches of three days they could reach 
the Table Land of Mexico. The line of coast is so extensive, 
as totally to preclude the possibility of its being guarded at all 
points against the invasion of a large body of troops. 

The same facility for landing is offered on the coast of the 
Pacific ocean, from Guatimala to California. Acapulco and 
San Bias are the only two places at which a landing could be 
resisted; and even those places might be carried by a coup de 
main, without much danger or loss. 

The beautiful and rich intendancy of Oaxaca offers the most 
secure and important field for the operations of an invading 
army of any part of the whole kingdom. There are several 
fine bays along its coast on the Pacific, where an army could 
land, at a distance of not more than thirty-five leagues from the 
city of Oaxaca. The whole province abounds in all the essen- 
tials for the subsistence of an army. The city of Oaxaca is the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 275 

neatest, cleanest, and most -regularly built city in the kingdom. 
The edifices are built of a green stone, which preserves its co- 
lour perpetually, and gives to the city an appearance of fresh- 
ness such as we have never seen in any other. The convent of 
San Francisco, built more than two hundred years ago, looks, at 
this day, as if it had just come from the hands of the architect. 
Streams of the purest water flow through all the streets ; and 
in all the squares are beautiful fountains, for the use of the 
inhabitants. The fruits of the torrid and temperate zones are 
to be seen every day in the market place. We have seen on 
one side of the road trees loaded with oranges, and on the 
other fields of wheat. The temperature of this city is consi- 
dered equal to that of any other in New Spain. The thermo- 
meter rarely falls below sixty-three, nor ranges higher than 
seventy-eight, degrees. The inhabitants are well made, and 
remarkable for longevity. The women are likewise distin- 
guished for their beauty and vivacity. Along the coast of 
Oaxaca the climate is destructive of health ; but the greater 
part of the province, and particularly the mountains of the 
Misteca, are famed for their pure and salubrious air. The 
most populous Indian villages of all New Spain are found in 
this province. The Indians of Tehuantepec are noted for their 
activitv and beauty. The whole of these Indian villages may 
be considered as containing true friends to the patriot cause, 
who would afford their cordial support to an invading army. 

From the port of Guasacualco, at the bottom of the Gulf of 
Mexico, an army could march in forty-eight hours to the 
Table Land of Oaxaca. We know of no part of New Spain 
so accessible to an invading army as this province ; nor do we 
know of any other which presents so important a rallying point 
for the patriots of the provinces of Vera Cruz, Puebla, and 
Mexico, as this on the banks of the noble navigable river of 
Guasacualco. The resources for the payment of an army are 
also abundant in this province. It is here that the article of 
cochineal is most extensively raised, to the value of above a 
million of dollars per annum. 

All the preceding suggestions, respecting the facility of in- 
vading and emancipating Mexico, are not offered with a view 



270 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

of inviting the attention of desperate adventurers, but with the 
hope of their being useful, at no distant day, to the govern- 
ments of the republics of Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chili. 
Although the writer is not fastidious as to the means that may 
be employed to effect the emancipation of Mexico, yet he has 
no hesitation in saying, that if it ever should be accomplished 
by foreigners, he would wish them to be citizens of the United 
States. This view may perhaps be displeasing to many of our 
peaceable citizens ; but, as we are living in an age of revolu- 
tions, when the happiness of man is the great purpose and end 
of society, it is not only a natural desire on the part of a citizen 
of the United States, but would be on that of every liberal mind 
throughout the civilized world. The New World may soon 
have to exert all its physical and moral resources against the 
ambitious and antisocial schemes of the Old World, and rescue 
the fairest portion of the earth from the odious debasement 
under which it has so long suffered. It is not extravagant to 
believe, if geographical position and other circumstances be 
considered, that there should arise a conviction among the in- 
habitants of the United States and those of Mexico, that it is 
their policy and interest to form a political and commercial 
alliance. 

In the following chapter, we shall resume the detail of the 
operations of the royalists against Los Remedios; and, in its 
sequel, it will be seen, that notwithstanding all the disasters of 
the patriots subsequent to Mina's death, and the flattering 
statements made by the viceroy of the general pacification of 
the kingdom, the revolutionists maintained last year formida- 
ble parties in the provinces of Guanaxuato, Mexico, and Val- 
ladolid, and more especially on the coast of the Pacific ocean, 
in the last named province* 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 277 



CHAPTER XI. 

Assault of Los Remedios, on the l&th of November, and repulse 
of the enemy — Sortie by the garrison on the enemy'' s intrench- 
ments — Cause xvhich led to the evacuation of the fort — Los 
Remedios evacuated, on the night of the 1st of "January, 1818 
—Barbarities of the royalists there — Operations of the con- 
tending parties, after the reduction of Los Remedios — Loss 
of Xauxilla — Detailed account of the subsequent events of the 
Revolution, and its actual state in the month of July, 1819 — 
Reflections. 

THE royalists, encouraged by the death of Mina, redoubled 
their exertions to obtain possession of the fort of Los Reme- 
dios ; but they found that the spirits of the besieged grew 
sterner as necessity pressed upon them. The forces of the 
enemy, relieved from those apprehensions of Mina which had 
before paralyzed their exertions, now came forth with confi- 
dence, denouncing the severest vengeance upon all those places 
which had rendered him assistance. 

The patriot government appointed colonel Don Miguel de 
Borja, a Mexican officer, commander of the troops in the field; 
and colonel Arago, aid to the late general, second in command. 
But some of the patriot chiefs, jealous of being commanded by 
one of their own number, carried on an independent partisan 
warfare against the besiegers, without paying much attention 
to the orders of the government or its officers. 

The enemy, in the interval since the affair at Los Remedios, 
mentioned in Chapter IX., had kept up a brisk cannonade, 
which considerably damaged the works of the besieged ; the 
battery of Santa Rosalia having been thereby rendered unte- 
nable. As soon as Mina was shot, they made an exulting and 
menacing communication of the event to the garrison, recom- 
mending them to confess tliemselves, as they intended carrying 



278 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the fort by storm, when every individual within it should be 
put to the sword. Immediately afterwards, as if intending to 
carry this threat into execution, they concentrated their fire 
upon the curtain between the batteries of Santa Rosalia and 
La Libertad; and, on the morning of the 16th of November, 
succeeded in making a practicable breach therein. In the after- 
noon, the enemy were observed to be making preparations for 
the assault. About two o'clock, their bugles sounded the ad- 
vance, and the columns moved up, at the same time, to La 
Cueva, and towards the breach ; other detachments also ad- 
vanced upon Tepeaca and Pansacola : but it was soon ascer- 
tained that the latter movements were feints, and that the real 
attack would be directed against the breach. Accordingly, the 
necessary preparations to receive them were made : the women, 
and even grown children, who on these occasions vied with 
the men in point of daring, soon flocked with the peasants to 
the threatened point, to bear their share in the danger and 
glory of the day. 

The enemy advanced very steadily to the breach, under 
cover of a fire from their works, bearing before them the sym- 
bol of extermination. They moved up with great resolution, 
though exposed to a galling fire of musketry and grape-shot, 
and showers of missile weapons discharged by the peasants 
and women, the latter of whom, regardless of danger, mount- 
ed the ramparts, with their aprons and baskets filled with 
stones, and hurled them at the astonished assailants. The 
enemy, nevertheless, preserved their order of close column, 
until within about twenty paces of the breach, when they sud- 
denly halted ; some few determined men precipitated them- 
selves from the head of the column, actually entered the 
breach, and there perished: among these intrepid men was the 
officer who bore the black flag. But the rest of the assailing 
column remained as if petrified, — their dismay had completely 
mastered them; which being observed by the defenders of the 
breach, they sallied forth, made a vigorous attack, and com- 
pelled the enemy to give way, and fly in the utmost disorder, 
leaving the side of the barranca covered with their killed and 
wounded. An irregular fire was maintained, from different 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 279 

points, for some time ; when the enemy, relinquishing the at- 
tack, retired within their intrenchments, having suffered se- 
verely.* The loss of the garrison was considerable, the sur- 
vivers of Mina's division bearing a large proportion of it. 

Linan, after this discomfiture, directed his attention to the 
reconstruction of the mine under the work at Tepeaca ; and, 
having succeeded in his approach by means of a covered way, 
effected the dislodgement of the besieged from a breastwork 
which had been thrown up in front of the gallery to prevent 
any further attempts of the enemy at mining. In this opera- 
tion, and in a vigorous cannonade, the enemy dissipated the 
remainder of the month of November, and the whole of De- 
cember. Their repeated efforts failed to blow up Tepeaca. 

We have before mentioned, that considerable quantities of 
charcoal, saltpetre, and sulphur, were in the fort, from which 
a sufficiency of powder should have been made : but, either 
through the bad management of the chiefs, or a dependence 
upon supplies from Xauxilla, only one man had been employed 
in the composition of this indispensable article. The operation 
was performed by the patriots in a very tedious manner, by 
means of metates. By this stone the ingredients are ground, 
and afterwards grained in sieves. This process is so slow, that 
a man cannot manufacture more in a day than an expert arti- 
ficer would make in an hour. Being manufactured without 
art, or a scientific knowledge of the necessary proportions of 
component materials, its grain is bad, it frequently hangs fire, 
and can seldom be relied upon. Bad, however, as would have 
been the quality of the powder, a sufficient quantity might 
have been made if proper measures had been timely employ- 
ed : but, from the defects in this point, and the length of time 
that the garrison had maintained the cannonade, it was disco- 
vered, in November, that the magazine was nearly exhausted. 

* The official despatch of the royal commander acknowledges his loss, in 
this affair, to be forty-four killed, including seven officers; one hundred and 
seventy-seven wounded, including twenty-three officers ; and one hundred and 
thirty-six bruised by missile weapons, including eleven officers: — total, three 
hundred and fifty-seven. 



280 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

. To remedy the want of ammunition, which the partial suc- 
cours from Xauxilla were insufficient to supply, it was deter- 
mined to make a sortie on the enemy's intrenchments, whence 
it was hoped that a supply might be obtained. Accordingly, 
the enemy's works opposite to La Libertad were selected as 
the point of attack, it being, indeed, the only position fairly 
open to such an enterprise. Three hundred men were detach- 
ed for this service, and the command was given to captains 
Crocker and Ramsay, the two intrepid youths who distin- 
guished themselves, on a former occasion, against the same 
position. 

Preparations were made ; at night, the party sallied; and, 
gaining the rear of the enemy's first battery, stormed the 
second line, under the expectation that the enemy would aban- 
don the first, and that possession would thus be gained of 
both. In this they were deceived : the second line was car- 
ried ; when the enemy retired within their third intrench- 
ment, whence a brisk cannonade and fire of musketry prevail- 
ed, which seriously annoyed the assailants. The gallant party, 
however, having succeeded in obtaining a small quantity of 
ammunition, spiked the artillery, dismantled and rolled the 
guns down the barranca, and then retired; but with the loss 
of twenty-seven killed, and several wounded. 

Towards the last of December, the ammunition was entire- 
ly exhausted; and, as Xauxilla, whence the fort had been 
hitherto supplied, had in the meantime been closely invested, 
it was impossible to obtain further supplies from that place. 
The garrison was thus reduced to the alternative of either 
evacuating the fort, or awaiting another assault of the enemy. 
This last course would have been highly imprudent ; for the 
want of ammunition would have exposed them to the ultimate 
discretion of the enemy. The evacuation was therefore re- 
solved upon. The only two points by which this could be 
effected were La Cueva and Pansacola. If made from La 
Cueva, it would be necessary to descend into the plain, and 
encounter the main force of the enemy, which would have 
been certain destruction. The only remaining alternative was 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 281 

to proceed by Pansacola. The enemy were weakest at that 
point ; but great obstacles to the attempt also existed there, 
arising from the asperities of the route by which it must be 
effected ; for the way ran through the barrancas, in which it 
was impossible to move in compact order ; besides that, they 
were so hemmed in by precipices, as to render it extremely 
difficult to ascend to the elevated ground; and even there, the 
enemy had thrown up a chain of intrenchments. The pros- 
pects of the garrison were therefore more discouraging than 
those of that of Sombrero when reduced to a like extremity ; 
but a hope was indulged that the mountains might be gained 
before the enemy could reenforce their posts, or despatch par- 
ties from the grand encampment in pursuit. Pansacola, there- 
fore, was the point determined upon, as affording the best and 
indeed the only possible means of retreat ; and the night of 
the 1st of January, 1818, was fixed upon for the evacuation 
of the fort. 

It had been the custom in the fort for the sentinels to pass 
the watch-word during the night ; but, as soon as the evacua- 
tion was determined upon, colonel Noboa ordered the discon- 
tinuance of this practice. This, in the event, was a fatal 
measure, because it indicated to the enemy that the garrison 
was about to undertake some movement, which they naturally 
supposed must be the evacuation of the fort. They there- 
fore made every preparation to cut off the retreat, and to in- 
tercept as many of the fugitives as possible. Within the fort, 
the greatest secrecy had been observed; not even Mina's offi- 
cers were informed of the proposed evacuation, until the mo- 
ment it was about to be carried into execution ; but they, as 
well as the enemy, had anticipated the plan, from the change 
"that had taken place in the practice of the sentries. 

At the appointed hour, on the night of the first of January, 
the whole of the garrison, the troops, peasantry, women and 
children, assembled at Pansacola. Scenes of distress then 
took place which exceeded even those of Sombrero. The aban- 
donment of the wounded, whom it was impossible to remove; 
the certainty of their falling into the power of a remorseless 
enemv; the recollection of the fate of those who had remained 
(36) 



282 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

in a like situation at Sombrero, — were circumstances that im- 
pressed the final parting of companions and relatives with un- 
utterable horror. 

Every thing being arranged, the advanced guard, with which 
marched Padre Torres, descended into the barranca. The other 
divisions of the troops followed ; but, owing to the peculiar 
difficulties of the pass, their progress was so slow, that before 
half the garrison was out of the fort, the advanced guard 
encountered an enemy's post. The sharp skirmishing that 
took place between the parties, breaking upon the dead still- 
ness of that midnight retreat, roused the enemy, and put them 
on the alert. From their head-quarters, a column entered 
the fort by Tepeaca. Finding it deserted, they communicated 
the information to their comrades in front of Pansacola, that 
the garrison was sallying from that point. Immediately 
large fires blazed up in every direction, which, throwing a 
strong glare of light into the barrancas, and over the summits 
of the contiguous hills, pointed out the direction taken by the 
fugitives. The enemy's troops, who had entered by Tepeaca, 
now descended in pursuit of those who were waiting to pass 
out of the fort. Then, horror and confusion put to flight the 
death-like silence which had been maintained on the part of 
the fugitives. The air was rent with the shouts of the men, 
the screams of the women and children, and the jeers and 
hallooing of the enemy, united with the discharges of musket- 
ry. Numbers, attempting to fly from the bayonets which 
threatened momentary annihilation in the rear, rushed in 
crowds to the fatal pass, which being too narrow to contain 
them all, they tumbled over each other down the precipices, 
where they met instantaneous death, or had their limbs dread- 
fully fractured and mangled. Those who came last were more 
fortunate than their comrades, for, rolling over the dead, dying 
and wounded who had preceded them, and had reduced the 
fall by their number, many of them escaped with life. Sounds 
of wo re-echoed through the barrancas, and were answered 
by the scoffs of a vindictive enemy. As soon as the alarm 
had been given, the enemy so posted their infantry as com- 
pletely to guard every practicable pass to the hill-tops; many, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 285 

nevertheless, did succeed in forcing- a passage to them ; while 
others concealed themselves in the barrancas. At length, the 
dawn broke upon this night of horror, and enabled the enemy 
to adopt new precautions to secure the fugitives. Every cleft 
and bush was then explored by the enemy's infantry; and num- 
bers of both sexes, there found, met with instant death. Don 
Cruz Arroyo, dragged from his concealment, met his death be- 
neath the bayonets of the soldiers. Being recognised by them, 
they inflicted upon his lifeless body the most shocking barbari- 
ties, in revenge for the destruction which the spirit that once 
animated it had showered upon them. They cut off his head, 
tore out his entrails and his heart, and satiated their worse 
than savage eyes with the sight of his yet quivering members. 
The cavalry scoured the plains, and took and killed many, 
who, having escaped the horrors of the night, had proceeded 
on their way, rejoicing 'that they had so far, and, as they 
hoped, altogether, escaped the enemy. 

Among those who escaped were Padre Torres and twelve 
of Mina's division. The rest were killed during the siege, 
or fell in the darkness of the night in the barrancas. Among 
the latter were the brave captain Crocker and doctor Hennes- 
sey. Among the prisoners were colonel Noboa, the only one 
of the division who fell into the enemy's hands, and the two 
brothers of Padre Torres. Numbers of women were made 
prisoners, with the details of whose treatment delicacy forbids 
us to pollute our pages. It is impossible to depict all the bar- 
barous excesses of the brutal soldiery : the acts committed at 
Sombrero, though melancholy in the extreme, cannot approx- 
imate those at Los Remedios. The sick and wounded in the 
hospital calmly anticipated death, but not in the dreadful shape 
in which they were , destined to meet him. The building 
in which these hapless victims were huddled was fired, and 
when any of the unfortunate wretches, who had strength enough 
left to attempt crawling out of the flames, made their appear- 
ance, they were thrust back or bayoneted, and in less than 
an hour their cries were succeeded by the silence of death 
— their ashes alone remained. This is one of those savage 
exploits, any notice of which would of course be excluded 



284 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

from the columns of the Mexican Gazette ; but its authenti- 
city does not depend on such authority ; it has been related 
by those who were at that moment prisoners of Linan, and by 
Spanish officers, who shuddered while they told the melan- 
choly tale. Denials of these acts of savage barbarity might 
be listened to, or excuses for their commission might be of 
some avail, upon the plea of the uncontrouled frenzy of a few 
individuals, had not a frightful catalogue of similar horrors, 
practised by the royalists during this revolution, stained the 
annals of the Spanish arms. A few of them we have already- 
noticed, and the black list will be swelled by a detail of others 
in the following chapter. 

The majority of the combatants, who were taken prisoners, 
did not long remain in doubt as to their fate. Linan, ever 
anxious to render more distressing the situation of his unfor- 
tunate prisoners, not content with the prospect of the fate which 
awaited them, was unceasing in heaping acts of indignity up- 
on them. He compelled them to labour in the demolition of 
the works, and immediately afterwards shot them. Among 
those who thus suffered death was colonel Noboa, who, in his 
last moments, displayed great fortitude, and died exclaiming 
" Viva la republica." 

Of the females who were made prisoners, those belonging 
to the families of the chiefs were sent to the enemy's towns. 
In this number were two sisters of Padre Torres, one a most 
amiable and interesting young lady, and the whole of the fe- 
male part of the family of Don Miguel de Borja. The wo- 
men of the lower orders were set at liberty, after having their 
heads shaved bare. 

The enemy found a considerable supply of grain in the ma- 
gazine of the fort, but nothing else; although Linan boasts, 
in his despatch, of having found a quantity of ammunition — 
a pitiful fabrication, the like of which has often characterized 
the official accounts of the royal commandants. 

Thus fell the fort of Los Remedios, having withstood, for 
four months, the attempts of an enemy vastly superior in nu- 
merical force, in artillery, in ammunition, and in the superior 
experience and discipline of their troops, a large proportion of 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 285 

them having belonged to the royal armies in the campaign in 
the Peninsula. 

The death of Mina, and the fall of Los Remedios, enabled 
the royalists to take active measures to dispossess the patriots 
of their remaining strong hold. They flattered themselves, 
that, when this was effected, the long protracted insurrection 
would soon be terminated. They do not appear to have been 
fully aware of the fact, that the patriots were animated by a 
spirit of hatred which could not be subdued, and that if driven 
out of forts, they would retire to the mountains and barrancas, 
and instead of acceding to terms, would suffer every possible 
privation, and eventually become, (what they are generally 
called,) a body of banditti. 

In the brief view we have taken in the course of this work, 
of the military operations of the patriots, we have exhibited 
their alternate successes and defeats, and have shown that the 
latter arose from ignorance, want of organization and disci- 
pline, a deficiency of muskets, and especially from the want of 
combination among the patriot chiefs. To the two last men- 
tioned circumstances, more than to any others, may be ascrib- 
ed the success of the royalists ; for there does not exist the 
least doubt in our minds, that during the years 1814, 1815, 
1816, and 1817, a union of the patriot forces, and a supply of 
eight or ten thousand foreign muskets, would have decided the 
struggle in favour of the revolutionists in a very few months. 
It is not now necessary to enter into a detail of the scene of 
disasters and confusion which took place among the patriots 
subsequent to the death of Mina, except so far as may tend to 
show the unconquerable spirit of hostility to the Spanish go- 
vernment, which predominates in the people in arms in the in- 
tendancies of Guanaxuato, Valladolid, and Mexico. 

We have made mention of the little fortress of Xauxilla, as 
being the place where the members of the patriot government 
held their sittings. During the month of December, the roy- 
alists of the intendancy of Valladolid had raised a force of one 
thousand men, for the reduction of Xauxilla. The direction 
of this operation was given to Don Matias Martin y Aguirre, 



286 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

commandant general of the province of Valladolid, in which 
province Xauxilla was situated. Don Matias, a distant rela- 
tion of the unfortunate Mina, was a most able and active offi- 
cer. His exertions contributed much to preserve the jewel of 
Mexico, in the diadem of Spain. Unlike his contemporaries, 
he never wantonly died his hands with blood. He obeyed 
with reluctance many of the cruel mandates of his govern- 
ment ; but at the same time mercy influenced all his conduct, 
and tempered his sword with clemency. On account of his 
distinguished services, he was appointed commander of the 
regiment of dragoons, called the Fieles de Sail Luis, which, al- 
though composed of wretched troops, was among the best ap- 
pointed, best organized, and finest cavalry in the royal ser- 
vice. He enjoyed, at the period we are now speaking of, the 
confidence of the viceroy; and warmly seconded his exertions 
to attain the object of their government with as little effusion 
of blood as circumstances would permit. He enjoined it up- 
on all the officers within the sphere of his command, to act 
with mercy \ an injunction obeyed by some of them, while 
others, freed from his immediate control, continued to give 
loose to their long indulged spirit of cruelty. His conduct to 
the prisoners that fell into his hands, was not merely merciful, 
but generous ; and on several occasions he took upon himself 
the responsibility of disobeying superior orders, rather than 
deprive them of their lives. We feel great pleasure in thus 
offering our faint tribute of respect to one whose sentiments 
present so great a contrast to those of the major part of the 
Spanish chiefs. Some of the officers of Mina's expedition, 
who fell into the hands of Don Matias, were most humanely 
treated ; and the soldiers who were made captives, were libe- 
rated on condition that they should serve two years in the 
royal armies. One of them, an American, through his inter- 
cession was pardoned, liberated, and sent to the United States. 
Not one of Mina's associates suffered death at his hands, and 
although some of them were sent to Europe by orders of the 
government, it was contrary to the wishes of Don Matias. 
Some of Mina's officers, now in the United States, owe their 
lives to the humane Aguirre. 

\ 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 287 

Don Matias, on investing Xauxilla, found, that from its 
strength, and its peculiar situation, it was capable of making 
a formidable resistance. The fort was commanded by a man 
of the name of Lopez de Lara, supported by two officers of 
Mina's division, captains Laxvrence Christie and James De- 
vers, both Americans. A few days after the siege commenc- 
ed, the members of the government retired to the Tierra Ca- 
liente of Valladolid. 

Don Matias, prior to the commencement of hostilities, sent 
a flag of truce, offering terms of capitulation to the garrison, 
which were immediately rejected. Appi'oaches were then made, 
and after several ineffectual attempts to carry it by storm, the 
enemy were compelled to await its reduction by famine. 

While these operations were going on at Xauxilla, Padre 
Torres escaped from Los Remedios, and retired to the pue- 
blo of Penjamo. The plains and mountains in its vicinity 
afforded him a temporary refuge. The pueblo of Penjamo is 
located, as has been before observed, about four leagues from 
the fort of Los Remedios, upon a declivity near the foot of 
the range of hills in which the fort was situated, overlooking 
a fine plain, highly cultivated with Indian corn, and forming 
an amphitheatre with the surrounding hills. The inhabitants 
of the plain of Penjamo were, generally speaking, in easy cir- 
cumstances, and many of them, prior to the revolution, had 
possessed considerable wealth. The pueblo of Penjamo was 
the general residence of those farmers, who were distinguished 
for urbanity and hospitality. Exclusive of their agricultural 
pursuits, they carried on an extensive trade in provisions, 
particularly in live hogs, which were sent to the city of Gua- 
naxuato. 

The inhabitants of the pueblo, and indeed of all the plain, 
had been conspicuous, during the whole of the revolution, for 
their enthusiasm in favour of the patriots ; and it was in this 
place that Torres had commenced his military career. He was 
at that time the curate of a little village near Penjamo, called 
Cuitzeo de las Naranjas. Subsequently becoming command- 
ant of the place, at the time when Mina penetrated into the 
province of Guanaxuato, Penjamo formed his immediate 



288 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

comandancia. Notwithstanding the despotic sway which he 
exercised over his friends from his head-quarters at Los Re- 
medios, a great portion of the people still remained attached 
to him. Amidst the general destruction of towns and villages, 
Penjamo had not escaped. Its handsome buildings had all 
been razed to the ground, and on their sites had been erected 
a few huts. It was here that Padre Torres established his 
nominal head-quarters, after the evacuation of Los Remedios : 
we say his nominal head-quarters, because the circumstances 
of his situation effectually prevented him from remaining per- 
manently in any one spot, even had his coward nature permit- 
ted him; for the enemy covered the plain with their troops in 
pursuit of him, and strained every nerve to overtake him. 
But his activity being excited by his fears, he never slept two 
successive nights in the same place or on the same mountain. 
During this period of pursuit and danger, which continued 
nearly a month, Torres retained with him a small escort of ca- 
valry; and, without leaving the plain and mountains of Penja- 
mo, was enabled to elude the vigilance of his pursuers. Had he 
displayed the same activity, when it would have preserved the 
troops under his orders, or infested the enemy, he would have 
deserved and received commendation. Aware of his inability 
to cope with his pursuers, he was compelled to use unremitting 
personal exertions to guard against a surprise. Whenever it 
became dark, he invariably conducted his escort, through by- 
paths and circuitous routes, to secret places in the mountains, 
always distant from the place where he had passed the pre- 
ceding night. He laid down with fear and trembling, with a 
servant near him to give the alarm in case of danger, and a 
horse ready saddled and bridled, not with the view of acting 
on the defensive with his troops, but of securing his personal 
safety by instant flight. He possessed some of the fleetest 
horses in the kingdom, was an expert rider, and always kept 
near him three or four horses ready to be mounted. In the 
occasional actions which his troops had with the enemy, he 
invariably acted in a manner ill becoming a soldier and a com- 
mander, always taking post in a commanding situation in the 
rear, instead of animating his soldiers by his presence in the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 289 

fight; and, on discovering among his men the least appearance 
of confusion or dismay, he would put spurs to his horse, and 
leave them to shift for themselves. 

The enemy, in the meantime, were not idle : their light 
divisions scoured the country in every direction. Neither 
Torres nor his subaltern officers opposed any resistance to 
their progress, each individual being occupied in providing 
for his own safety. They passed the night in the mountains, 
sub dio, regardless of the inclemency of the weather ; and in 
the day time, a watch was kept from the steeple of a church, 
or some commanding height, to guard against a surprise from 
the enemy. Such was then, and is now, the manner of life of 
these unfortunate people; and nothing can more forcibly illus- 
trate their abhorrence of the royal government, than that they 
should thus submit to such privations, rather than accept the 
protection of the royal amnesty. 

The enemy soon fortified themselves in the Valle de Santi- 
ago, thereby depriving the patriots of the resources of that 
district. They also occupied the hacienda of Queramaro, 
about a league from the foot of the hill which ascended to the 
late fort, which prevented its being reoccupied by the patriots, 
and deprived Torres of a valuable portion of his comandan- 
cia. In the Tierra Caliente of Valladolid, they were equally 
active. Over the whole country, the patriots seemed panic- 
struck ; and such was the want of unity in their operations, 
that even skirmishes with the enemy at length became of rare 
occurrence. 

Torres, finding that the enemy relaxed the vigour of their 
pursuit, made a faint exertion to relieve the garrison of Xau- 
xilla, the siege of which place had been vigorously prosecuted 
by Aguirre. When arrived within a league and a half of the 
enemy, he despatched Don Pablo Erdozain, an excellent caval- 
ry officer, (of whom we have before made mention) with a 
party of three hundred men, to lay in wait for a party of the 
enemy, of about the same number, who left their camp every 
morning for the purpose of foraging. The measures of Don 
Pablo were judiciouslv taken. Placing his troops in ambush 8 
(37) 



290 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

he anxiously awaited the approach of the enemy. They were 
soon descried advancing; and every thing promised a suc- 
cessful result. They entered the ambush unsuspectingly, and 
without order. At that favourable moment, Don Pablo or- 
dered the charge ; but, to his inexpressible mortification and 
astonishment, his troops, instead of obeying his orders, after 
wavering for a moment, turned their backs upon the enemy, 
and fled. They were immediately pursued ; and the gallant 
Erdozain with difficulty effected his escape. 

A rencounter with a party of the enemy occurred, about the 
same time, at an hacienda called Surumuato, situated a few 
leagues from Penjamo, which terminated as fruitlessly as the 
action we have just narrated: for, although the royalists were 
actually defeated, and might have been totally destroyed, yet 
they finally came off victorious, in consequence of the flight of 
the patriots at a critical moment. 

Padre Torres, instead of being humbled by his recent mis- 
fortunes, became every day more capricious and despotic; 
and at length committed an act which caused his subalterns to 
tremble for their personal safety, and drew down upon him 
their odium. Don Lucas Flores,the commandant of the Valle 
de Santiago, who had been one of the firmest and most useful 
friends of Torres, was, upon some frivolous pretext, arrested; 
and, without a trial or a hearing being allowed him, was con- 
ducted to the mountains, and there privately shot. The man- 
ner of his arrest displays the treacherous and barbarous cha- 
racter of Torres. He sent an order to Don Lucas to meet 
him at a certain place : the order was obeyed ; and Torres, 
with his staff, there met him. The customary embraces passed 
between them; a social intercourse followed; and cards were 
introduced. Don Lucas lost all his money, of which the padre 
won a considerable proportion ; they dined, with their usual 
cordiality. After dinner, Flores was arrested, without the 
least previous explanation. His personal effects were imme- 
diately shared by the staff, Torres himself taking the best 
horse. With savage indifference, Torres turned to Flores, and 
ordered him to retire. The unfortunate officer was conducted, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 291 

as before observed, to some secret place in the mountains, 
above Penjamo, and shot. 

While Torres was committing these excesses, and flying 
about the country to elude the enemy, the siege of Xauxilla 
was steadily persevered in by Aguirre. It had held out three 
months; but the commandant, Lopez de Lara, and some of his 
officers, became alarmed. Foreseeing that the fort would be 
eventually reduced by starvation, and presuming that the same 
fate would attend the garrison that had befallen the patriots at 
the other forts, Lara thought it best to take measures in due 
season for the safety of himself and his party. He concealed 
his intentions from captains Christie and Devers, as he well 
knew that they would never consent to surrender the fort as 
long as it was tenable. Accordingly, he sent a secret overture 
to Aguirre, offering to deliver up the fort and the two Anglo- 
Americans. The overture was of course readily accepted. 
Lara and his associates then seized the persons of Mina's offi- 
cers, and delivered them with the fort into the hands of the 
enemy. Aguirre displayed the magnanimity of his character, 
by adopting a line of conduct directly the reverse of that pur- 
sued by the barbarous Lirian and other Spanish chiefs. Dis- 
gusted with the perfidy of Lara, he upbraided him in the se- 
verest terms for his unmanly and dishonourable conduct to his 
allies the two Anglo-Americans, whom he immediately order- 
ed to be treated with as much indulgence as was consistent with 
their safe keeping, and instead of shooting the troops that thus 
fell into his hands, he disarmed and set them at liberty. 

Aguirre, after destroying the fort, and leaving a garrison in 
the village of Zacapo, to prevent its being reoccupied, return- 
ed to Valladolid, taking with him his two American prisoners. 
They were put into close confinement, and orders from the 
viceroy were received to put them to death. The generous 
Aguirre resisted the repeated orders of the viceroy to that 
effect; and finally, by persevering in their behalf, prevailed 
on the government to spare their lives. But, notwithstanding 
all his exertions to have them liberated and sent to the United 
States, they were removed to the capital, and subsequently 
transported to Europe. 



292 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

The infuriated Torres was still pursuing his mad career, 
wandering about the country, arbitrarily seizing on every 
man's property, and burning towns and haciendas, under the 
pretext of depriving the enemy of the means of fortifying 
themselves in their progress through the country. The unfor- 
tunate town of Puruandiro underwent a second conflagration. 
Penjamo shared the same fate. Only one church was spared; 
and the inhabitants were forbidden to live among the ruins. 
In fine, this man's tyranny and excesses became so great, that 
the people in his comandancia at length hated and feared him 
more than they did the enemy. 

The revolutionary government, in the meantime, had ex- 
perienced several vicissitudes. After its seat had been re- 
moved from Xauxilla, it was established in the Tierra Caliente 
of Valladolid, where the enemy were not quite so numerous 
as in the Baxio, and where, from the natural advantages of 
the country, it could occupy positions that would be secure, 
or at least favourable for escape in the event of a surprise. 
Three of its members, either from disgust, or a conviction 
that their services could no longer be of any use to their coun- 
try, signed and sent in an instrument of their resignation. 
Their names were, — Ayala, the president; Loxero, the secre- 
tary; and Tcrcera. Doctor San Martin proceeded to a small 
place called Zarate, where Don Antonio Cumplido, Don Pedro 
Villasenor, and Don Pedro Bermeo, were appointed gover- 
nantes, in lieu of the others; and San Martin became president 
by reason of seniority. 

The new government was encompassed with difficulties, 
which it was almost impossible to overcome ; and, however 
great may have been its zeal to restore order, and give a new 
impulse to the cause of the revolution, an event occurred that 
prevented it from displaying its exertions ; for^» in the month 
of February, 1818, its members w r ere surprised by a party of 
the enemy, who entered Zarate, and took prisoner the presi- 
dent, San Martin; the infirmities of the old gentleman prevent- 
ing him from escaping with his coadjutors. Cumplido resigned 
his place, under the impression that matters were in so despe- 
rate a state, as to render nugatory the establishment of any 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 293 

regular government. Nevertheless, a form of civil authority 
was still kept up ; and Don Jose Pagola, a worthy and intelli- 
gent patriot, and Don Mariano Sanchez de Ariola, were ap- 
pointed to fill the places of San Martin and Cumplido. The 
two new members, with Don Pedro Villasefior and Bermeo, 
therefore constituted the government ; and Villasefior was 
elected president. 

The first subject that occupied the attention of the new go- 
vernment, was a dissension between Padre Torres and two of 
his officers, Don Andres Delgado and the brigadier Huerta. 
Both these officers commanded strong bodies of patriots. Del- 
gado was at the head of the troops lately under the command of 
the murdered chief Flores. The conduct of Torres had become 
so insupportably outrageous and tyrannical, that Delgado and 
Huerta refused longer to submit to his authority, and called a 
meeting of the patriot chiefs, in the month of April, at Puru- 
andiro, (at which Torres attended) for the purpose of nomi- 
nating a new commander in chief. Colonel Don Juan Arago 
was named to fill the place of Torres. The padre sullenly 
retired from the meeting, accompanied by a few of the least 
respectable of the chiefs. He had the address to induce them 
to sign a petition to the government in his behalf, in which 
they declared their satisfaction with his conduct, and prayed 
that he might retain his station. The government, however, 
ratified the nomination of Arago, and appointed him com- 
mandant general of the province of Guanaxuato ; permitting 
Torres to retire with all his honours, and to draw the pay 
corresponding with his rank. The appointment of colonel 
Arago was a most mortifying circumstance to the padre, who 
had always regarded him with envy. 

The restless and ambitious priest was not, however, dispos- 
ed to submit, without an effort to re-establish himself in the 
supreme command. On the 28th of April, having with him 
nearly fifteen hundred troops, including infantry, he received 
intelligence that a light division of the enemy, four hundred 
strong, under colonel Bustamante, was in the rancho de los 
Frijoles. As a means of regaining his popularity, he deter- 
mined to attack the enemy. He took them completely by 



294 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

surprise ; but, notwithstanding, the action was most disgrace- 
fully lost, in consequence of his injudicious dispositions, and 
his own personally bad conduct. Scarcely had the engage- 
ment commenced, when the cavalry, from one of those unac- 
countable terrors with which they were occasionally seized, 
without entering into the action, fled. Torres, who was some 
distance in the rear, seeing the confusion, instead of attempt- 
ing to rally, outstripped them in the flight. The infantry, thus 
abandoned, and left to contend, without even a hope of suc- 
cess, against overpowering odds, regarding their situation as 
desperate, formed under some trees, and, with determined 
valour, defended themselves until every individual, but one, 
was killed. The head of their commander, lieutenant Wolfe, 
was struck off, carried to Irapuato, and there elevated upon 
a pole. 

As soon as Arago received his appointment from the go- 
vernment, he communicated the information to Torres ; who 
answered, that the appointment was illegal, and would be re- 
sisted. Among the chiefs who had been instrumental in de- 
priving Torres of his command, was Don Andres Delgado, 
well known to the Gachupins by the name of " El Giro." He 
was an Indian; and, though destitute of education, was parti- 
cularly acute, and admirably calculated for partisan warfare. 
His courage was impetuous, and his activity astonished the 
enemy. He was only twenty-five years of age, and in his 
short military career had received twenty-two wounds. The 
dragoons of the Valle de Santiago, the finest and most efficient 
body of patriots in Mexico, were under his command. Few 
of the royal troops were equal to them in the field, — none ex- 
ceeded them in courage. They were mounted on the finest 
horses the country could afford ; and, unlike other bodies of 
patriots, were constantly in operation against the enemy, keep- 
ing that part of the Baxio about Salamanca and Zelaya in a state 
of continual alarm. El Giro, and his whole troop, hated and 
despised Torres; and they anxiously awaited an order to force 
him into obedience : but Arago was aware of the evil conse- 
quences attendant upon dissension, and therefore determined 
to try pacific measures, before he resorted to force. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 295 

Torres was attended by the ex-president, Don Ignacio 
Ayala, a man full of duplicity and cunning, by whose advice 
he had opposed the recent changes. The force that Torres 
had under his immediate command was about one hundred and 
twenty men ; but he was privately upheld by Don Encarna- 
cion Ortiz and Don Miguel de Borja. 

Mina's division was now nearly annihilated, nine officers 
and four soldiers only surviving. Those who had been with 
Torres, neglected and ill-treated, had, with one exception, left 
him : and that solitary individual, as soon as Arago received 
his preferment, abandoned the padre, and rejoined his com- 
rades. 

Arago, finding that all his attempts to bring Torres to an 
acknowledgment of his authority proved abortive, reluctantly 
had recourse to arms. Torres, unable to cope with the forces 
of Arago, fled to his friends, Borja and Ortiz. Conceiving 
that with their aid it was still possible for him to regain his 
lost power, he issued an arrogant and absurd proclamation, 
declaring the establishment of the government in the Tierra 
Caliente to be illegal, commanding obedience to Don Ignacio 
Ayala as the only legitimate head of the civil authority, and 
calling on all true Americans to aid him in the vindication of 
his title. From Burras, the padre set out, with about three 
hundred men, furnished him by Borja and Ortiz, for Penjamo, 
of which place, Arago, as successor to the^comandancia, had 
taken possession, in the month of July. Arago soon received 
a communication from these friends of Torres, stating, that a 
desire to arrange matters amicably, and not an intention of 
acting with hostility, had induced them to afford the padre an 
escort, and to accompany him themselves. After some cor- 
respondence, it was agreed, that at Surumuato, on the bank of 
the Rio Grande, with the river between the parties, the differ- 
ences should be discussed. Arago, as well to avoid the effu- 
sion of blood, as to avert the fatal consequences which must 
arise to the cause of their country from these dissensions, and 
which had hitherto been its destruction, deemed it expedient 
to assent to the conference, although he was perfectly aware of 
the perfidious intentions of Torres and his partisans. 



296 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

With two hundred men, he therefore repaired to Surumuat'o : 
but, soon after the discussion was opened, it became obvious 
that nothing short of reinstating the padre in his former power, 
and acknowledging the acts of the government to be illegal, 
would settle the dispute. Arago, after spending two days in 
fruitless attempts at pacification, perceiving that his opponents 
were only amusing him in order to gain time and receive reen- 
forcements of troops, broke up the conference, by giving them 
a certain number of hours finally to make up their minds 
whether they would or would not obey the orders of the go- 
vernment. No answer being returned within the time, Arago 
immediately adopted measures to reduce the refractory padre 
and his partisans by force of arms. Accordingly, El Giro, 
with only a few of his brave Santiago dragoons, soon decided 
the matter. Gallantly swimming the river, about twenty of his 
men attacked their opponents, and routed them. Torres was 
saved from capture only by the speed of his horse. He fled 
to the mountains of Penjamo, where he collected some of the 
fugitives. His friends, finding that disaster only would attend 
the struggle, finally sent in their adherence to the government. 
Various skirmishes took place between the contending parties, 
in which Torres invariably came off with disgrace ; but, not- 
withstanding all the exertions of Arago to obtain possession of 
his person, the wily priest eluded him, as he had formerly done 
the royalists. This contest between Arago and Torres was ter- 
minated by the advance of a division of royalists, in September, 
under the command of colonel Marquez Donallo, to Penjamo. 
A post was established in that pueblo, which cut off Torres 
from his places of retreat in the mountains and plains. The 
padre thenceforth found his situation daily becoming more 
desperate ; and at length, in utter despair, he disbanded his 
few remaining troops, and, with his adviser Ayala and a few 
domestics, threw himself on the protection of the brothers 
Ortiz. They interceded with the govei-nment in his behalf; 
and, notwithstanding his previous infamous and treacherous 
conduct merited severe punishment, yet he was allowed to 
remain unmolested in that part of the country, on the express 
condition that he should neither directly nor indirectly interfere 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 297 

In the public affairs. This condition was guarantied by Ortiz; 
and thus terminated the disgraceful career of this ambitious 
priest. In the month of June, last year, he was wandering 
among the mountains within the range of Don Encarnacion 
Ortiz, in the vicinity of San Felipe, eluding the pursuit of the 
royalists, and trembling for his safety even among his former 
friends. It was fortunate for him that he did not fall into the 
hands of El Giro : for such was the conviction of Mina's offi- 
cers of his treachery towards their deceased general, and so 
exasperated were they at his shameful conduct with regard to 
themselves, that they certainly would have permitted him to 
have fallen a sacrifice to the vengeance of that chieftain and 
his men. 

The situation of the patriots in the province of Guanaxuato 
was daily becoming more critical ; but, although every pueblo 
of any importance was occupied by the royalists, still the pa- 
triots carried on an irregular warfare. They roamed among 
the mountains and through the plains, occasionally skirmishing 
with the enemy ; but neither observing order among them- 
selves, nor aiming at a combined plan of operations. With 
the exception of El Giro and his troop, they at length merited 
an appellation little better than that of banditti, so often ap- 
plied to them by the royalists. 

In the western Tierra Caliente, the cause of the patriots 
assumed a brighter aspect. The enemy had there steadily 
pursued the system adopted in Guanaxuato, of throwing bo- 
dies of troops into every pueblo :, by which means, they had 
so far subdued opposition, as to flatter themselves that the 
pacification of the western part of the province of Valladolid 
would soon be accomplished, the more especially as they had 
compelled the patriots under the command of lieutenant general 
Don Vicente Guerrero to retire into the mountains near the 
shores of the Pacific ocean. This officer is one of those ex- 
traordinary men whom revolutions bring into notice. During 
the life, and after the death, of general Morelos, Guerrero had 
distinguished himself by his intrepidity and activity. On one 
occasion, in the mountains of the Misteca, with only about one 
hundred and forty Misteca Indians under his orders, whose 
(38) ' 






298 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

only weapons consisted of clubs and slings, he greatly elevated 
himself by brilliant exploits. 

The royalists were frequently careless in their encamp- 
ments at night, and particularly in the Misteca, where they 
knew that Guerrero had not an armed force to attack them. 
A party of three hundred royalists having encamped a few 
miles from where Guerrero was stationed with his Indians, 
he proposed to his men to make an attack on the enemy dur- 
ing a rainy and stormy night. The plan was agreed on, and 
executed with such silence and celerity, that Guerrero was in 
the midst of the encampment before the enemy were aware of 
his approach. The royalists were panic-struck, and attempted 
to fly : many of them were killed, and the whole of their arms, 
baggage, &c. &c. fell into the hands of Guerrero. This, and 
other similar exploits, had made him renowned among the 
patriots of the Misteca, but towards the latter part of 1817, 
he had been so severely pressed by superior numbers of the 
royalists, that he was obliged to retire from the Misteca, and, 
with a servant, passing through the lines of the enemy, reach- 
ed the Tierra Caliente of Valladolid ; where, after encounter- 
ing various vicissitudes in the fall of the following year, with 
eighty men he surprised a strong party of four hundred of the 
enemy, destroying nearly the whole of them. This exploit 
threw some arms into his power, with which he lighted up a 
flame that rapidly spread over the Tierra Caliente ; and, before 
the enemy could recover from the surprise which this new 
antagonist created, he attacked their different posts, beat them 
in detail, and roused the drooping spirits of the patriots in 
the western parts of Mexico, as well as of Valladolid. The 
viceroy, alarmed at this rapid and unexpected progress of 
the patriots, transmitted orders to adopt the most vigorous 
measures against Guerrero : accordingly, brigadier Negrete 
was ordered to advance with a strong division to the Tierra 
Caliente, threatening at once to annihilate Guerrero and his 
party. In conformity with his orders, Negrete proceeded to 
the village of Churumncoo, situated on the right bank of a river 
which flows from the east, and unites with the Marquez near 
the village; the junction of these rivers forming the Zacatula* 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 299 

He found the patriot chief posted on the opposite side of the 
river ; but, not deeming it prudent to attack him, and finding 
that he could not long maintain his position for the want of 
provisions and the destructive influence of the climate, he 
made a retrograde movement, and, much to the annoyance of 
the royalist subjects, returned to Valladolid without achieving 
any thing. 

At this period, Don Miguel de Borja was chosen by some 
part of the troops of Xalpa, for their commander in chief; to 
accept of which station it was necessary for him to give up his 
comandancia of Burras. 

The occupation of Penjamo by the enemy had deprived 
Aragd of those pecuniary resources on which he had calculat- 
ed to raise and equip forces ; and, believing that by good 
management ample resources might be obtained at Burras, 
and that great advantages would result from the communica- 
tion he could establish with the patriotic inhabitants of Gua- 
naxuato, from the vicinity of that city to Burras, he took the 
command of that district. His expectations, however, were at 
the outset frustrated ; for, on investigation, he found that his 
predecessor had levied so many contributions on the unfortu- 
nate farmers, that they had little left, and as he was averse to 
the system of exactions which Torres, Borja, and others, had 
pursued, he was compelled to depend on a few individuals for 
the urgent supplies of his few troops. A short time before 
Borja gave up the command of Burras, he had received from 
the inhabitants twelve months' revenue in anticipation ; which 
circumstance, united with those already mentioned, rendered 
it absolutely impracticable for Arago to realize any of the 
plans he had previously contemplated. 

Before Borja left Burras, an event occurred which filled 
with sorrow the breast of every true patriot. Don Jose Ma- 
ria Liceaga, whom we have before mentioned as a distinguish- 
ed and stanch defender of his country's rights, was treach- 
erously murdered. Strong grounds exist for believing that 
Borja was the principal instigator of this murder. Liceaga 
had retired from public life, and resided on his hacienda in 



300 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the district of Burras. Journeying along the high road, he 
met a party of Borja's men, headed by one of his captains. 
Without any previous explanation, they furiously attacked 
him : he attempted to save himself by flight, but a shot from 
Borja's officer brought him to the ground, when he was in- 
stantly put to death. Borja has endeavoured to vindicate this 
horrid deed, by alleging that Liceaga was proceeding to the 
town of Irapuato, to deliver himself up to the enemy, and to 
accept the royal pardon. 

All who knew Liceaga pronounced this to be a calumnious 
accusation. His undeviating adherence to the cause of the 
revolution, through all its vicissitudes, his refusal of the re- 
peated overtures of the enemy for reconciliation, and the firm- 
ness of his character, displayed on numerous trying occasions, 
made the accusation of Borja appear as absurd as it was un- 
founded. The fact, however, we understood to be, that Borja 
had, some weeks before this event, demanded one thousand 
dollars from Liceaga, which was accordingly furnished him ; 
and, in order to avoid its repayment, as well as to get rid of 
a man who constantly expressed himself hostile to such law- 
less proceedings, he resolved on his destruction, and effected 
it in the manner we have related. 

The patriots shuddered at the tale ; for, although Liceaga, 
by his love of order and strength of character, had become ob- 
noxious to the military chiefs, yet by the people in general he 
was respected. 

About the time this melancholy circumstance took place, 
the forces under Guerrero were daily augmenting, and the po- 
litical horizon in that part of the theatre of the revolution once 
more assumed an aspect favourable to the patriots. Three of 
Mina's officers, who had retired to the Canadas de Huango, 
eleven leagues north of the city of Valladolid, placing them- 
selves under the orders of brigadier Huerta, were author- 
ized bv him to organize a body of infantry and cavalry. Hu- 
erta, like most of the chiefs we have before described, had 
been raised, by the vicissitudes of the revolution, to a situa- 
tion which he was totally unqualified to fill. He was illiterate. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 301 

vicious, and jealous of his superiors ; but at the same time he 
was daringly brave, and ready to undertake any project, how- 
ever hazardous. He assumed the title of commandant gene- 
ral of the province of Valladolid. We believe that he meant 
well to his country, but his extreme ignorance prevented him 
from being of much service ; and, like Torres, he could not 
bear the sight of any man whom he thought likely to interfere 
with his ambition. He viewed the brilliant successes of Guer- 
rero with a jealous eye ; and although the latter was extreme- 
ly anxious to obtain the co-operation of all the patriot chiefs, 
he could not accomplish it with Huerta. 

Colonel Bradburn (one of the three officers who had retired 
to the Canadas de Huango) was assiduously engaged in rais- 
ing and organizing a body of infantry and cavalry, relying on 
the promises which had been made him by Huerta, of being 
furnished with every thing he wanted. Bradburn and his two 
comrades found recruits flocking in to them from all direc- 
tions ; barracks were erected ; an armoury and powder manu- 
factory were established ; arrangements were made to procure 
clothing from the enemy's towns ; and every thing went on 
prosperously, until the moment arrived when the new troops 
were to receive arms. Huerta, under various pretexts, with- 
held them. Bradburn was some time before he could pene- 
trate the cause of Huerta' s strange conduct ; but at length he 
discovered that it arose from jealousy. Huerta, on seeing 
what he thought a body of well trained troops under the com- 
mand of Bradburn, conceived it possible that the latter would 
co-operate with, or enter into the views of, Guerrero, and 
thereby diminish the authority which he himself was aiming 
to obtain. This was the real cause of his refusing Bradburn 
the necessary supplies. 

Matters continued in this state for upwards of two months, 
in the Canadas, and although the enemy were within a few 
leagues, and four times superior in numbers, yet Bradburn, 
with a hundred men wretchedly armed, held them in check. 
At length the enemy determined to destroy him, and in March, 
1819, advanced with fifteen hundred men, under the command 



302 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

of Don Vicente Lara. Against this formidable force resist- 
ance was useless. Bradburn retreated for two days ; but, 
being closely pursued in the mountains, his party was de- 
stroyed, with the exception of about thirty who made their 
escape. The prisoners were conducted to the neighbouring 
pueblo of Chucandiro, and there instantly shot. 

Huerta could at that time have mustered four hundred ca- 
valry ; and as he had received timely advice of the move- 
ments of the enemy, could have reenforced the little party ; 
instead of which, he quietly permitted it to be completely bro- 
ken up. His subsequent conduct to Mina's officers was dis- 
graceful, and' serves to confirm what we have before stated, 
that during the last three years, the patriot chiefs were gene- 
rally ignorant, incapable, and licentious men, who studied only 
their separate interests, to the ruin of their country. Under 
such unfortunate circumstances, it is almost incredible that the 
royalists did not completely quell the insurrection ; and that 
they have not been able so to do, arises from the general hos- 
tile feeling of the people, and the occasional appearance of such 
men as Don Vicente Guerrero. 

The conduct of Huerta, and the distracted state of the pa- 
triots in Valladolid, prevented the patriot government from 
possessing a place of security in which to hold their sessions. 
The late president, Don Jose Pagola, and his secretary, were 
taken prisoners by surprise, and shot. Don Jose Castaneda 
was appointed in the place of Pagola, and the presidency de- 
volved on Don Pedro Villasenor. The government removed 
to a place called Las Valzas, near the village of Churumucoo, 
adjacent to the conflux of the Rio Grande and the Marquez. 
Here it considered itself secure from surprise ; and confided 
in the vigilance and abilities of general Guerrero, with whom 
they now resolved to co-operate in exertions to give to the 
cause of the revolution a new aspect. 

The enemy, in the upper parts of Valladolid, had fortified 
themselves at Puruandiro, at Chucandiro, and at several other 
places. Huerta' s troops were daily abandoning him, and some 
of them had accepted the royal pardon. The famous El Giro 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 30S 

had been surprised, taken prisoner, and shot. The royalists 
were therefore less annoyed, in that part of the country, than 
they had been for a long time previous. 

The revolutionists were in no condition to carry on a series 
of harassing operations. Their system of defence, however, 
was such, that they suffered little loss : their guerilla parties 
were still numerous : in the rainy season, they retired to the 
mountains, and there recruited their horses and repaired their 
arms j on the return of the dry season, they descended into 
the plains, and attacked the enemy with renewed vigour. 

In the month of July of last year, the revolution may be 
considered as having reached a lower ebb than at any previ- 
ous period since the commencement of the struggle. But the 
royalists were very far from being in an unmolested state : 
they were still obliged to keep within their fortified places. 
The patriots still continued to possess the plains in the under- 
mentioned parts of the country, and in fact were masters of 
the country up to the very walls of the fortified towns. 
In the intendancy of Guanaxuato, there were still, 

under various patriot chiefs, at least, men 1,000 

. In the Tierra Fria and Caliente of Valladolid, 1,500 

Over an extensive surface in the intendancy of 

Mexico, - 2,000 

Bordering on Guadalaxara and Valladolid, near 

the lake of Chapala, - . - - - - 500 
On the coast of the Pacific ocean, in the province 
of Mexico, under the orders of general Guer- 
rero and the brigadier Mondesdeoca, all de- 
termined troops, and principally infantry, 1,400 

6,400 

In the foregoing statement, we conceive that the numbers 
are within the actual force of the patriots bearing arms ; and, 
in the estimation, we do not include that portion of the pea- 
santry whom circumstances have compelled to a pretended 
neutrality, but who are ripe for revolt, whenever they again 
behold the patriot cause assume a favourable aspect. 



304 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

We omit making any observations relative to the state of the 
other intendancies, because there the royalists have succeed- 
ed, by military presence, in causing a momentary pacification. 
By referring the reader to what we have previously remarked 
on the character and feelings of the population of the great 
intendancies of Vera Cruz, Puebla, and Oaxaca, it is obvious 
that the present tranquillity is a mere temporary calm, liable 
at any moment to be succeeded by a revolutionary tempest. 

Various writers, within the last seven years, have published 
the most gloomy and absurd stories relative to the revolutions 
of Mexico and South America ; and on no other subject have 
the public been more egregiously misled. Among the books 
abounding in false statements, none is more conspicuous than 
a work which was republished in Philadelphia, in 1819, enti- 
tled " A Descriptive, Historical, and Geographical Account 
of Spanish America, &c. &c. By R. H. Bonnycastle, Captain 
in the Corps of Royal Engineers." So long as captain Bonny- 
castle exercises the office of a plagiarist, in faithfully copying 
from Humboldt, Clavigero, and other celebrated authors, he 
is excusable for the errors of his statements : but when he 
undertakes to give us a detail of the present contest in Spanish 
America, with his speculations and predictions, and sentiments 
upon political subjects, he must bear upon his own shoulders 
the charge of writing with the servility of a Spanish stipendi- 
ary, instead of the impartiality and manliness which ought to 
characterize a British officer ; and of displaying the grossest 
ignorance of facts which would scarcely have escaped the ob- 
servation of any one who had paid the least attention to the 
affairs of Spanish America. For instance, — 

In page 316, he informs us, that " Mina, xuho had been con- 
cerned in the Caracas revolution, undertook an expedition 
against New Spain, where he was taken prisoner, and beheaded, 
in Mexico" 

In page 243, after having given a confused account of the 
insurrection at Caracas, he states, that Miranda was taken, 
and beheaded. 

In page 315, he eulogizes the ferocious Boves, a man whose 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 305 

career of horrid cruelties in Caracas causes even the royalists 
to blush that he was a Spaniard. 

In page 317, speaking of the state of the revolution in 1816 
and 1817, he tells us, that " In New Grenada, Florida, §>uito, 
Peru, and Mexico, the insurgents have very little sway" 

In page 57, he gives the most ludicrous and false account 
of the situation of the insurgents in New Spain; and gravely 
states, that a Neither the Indians nor people of the interior 
take any part of the struggle.'''' 

In page 348, speaking of Buenos Ayres and Chili, he states 
that " the insurgent privateers still dare to show their fag in 
the Pacific:" 

In several parts of his book, he asserts that the royal autho- 
rity is generally restored throughout Spanish America, and 
that he has not the least doubt of the ability of Spain to pre- 
serve her sovereignty over all those dominions. 

Should his book ever pass to a second edition, we advise 
the captain to correct the errors we have noticed, and candidly 
to confess that events have occurred totally at variance with 
his confident predictions. 

We have thus conducted our reader through some of the 
prominent scenes of the Mexican revolution, up to July, 1819: 
we have given a faithful detail of the daring achievements and 
misfortunes of the gallant Miha and his little band :* we have 
shown what a few foreigners did actually accomplish in Mexi- 
co: and, finally, we have endeavoured to convey a correct idea 
of the state of society in that kingdom, and to exhibit the very 
precarious tenure by which Spain there maintains her authority. 
The picture we have drawn of Padre Torres and other of the 
patriot chiefs may possibly induce a belief that it is difficult for 
the patriots to obtain proper leaders to guide then! to victory : 
but the reader should bear in mind, that the men with whom 
Mina was unfortunately obliged to co-operate rose to their sta- 
tions during seasons of anarchy and confusion : they had been 
heaved to the surface of the revolution by its currents and 

* The survivers of Mina's division, still in Mexico, are, colonels Bradburn, 
Arago, and Don Pablo Erdozain, captain Don Antonio Mandietta, Mr. Ger-. 
hard Honhorst, two soldiers, and two coloured boys. 
(39) 



J06 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

agitated waters, and were no way else distinguished than by 
their ambition, licentiousness, and ignorance. Should Mexico 
ever be invaded by a respectable foreign force, with a view of 
co-operating with the people in the establishment of their inde- 
pendence, there will not be found any deficiency of worthy and 
able Creole officers, willing to lend their exertions to the cause 
of their country, as well from among those who have formerly 
headed the insurgents, as from those who have hitherto been 
in the royal service ; and, with respect to the population in 
general, legions of friends to independence will be found in 
every province of Old Mexico. 

The royalists, in the intendancies of Guanaxuato, Vallado- 
lid, Mexico, La Puebla, and Vera Cruz, are walking among 
ashes still warm from the recent eruptions; — they are passing 
a precarious existence, surrounded by volcanoes. The spirit 
of hostility to the Spanish government is smothered but for a 
season ; and when the flames of resistance shall again burst 
forth in those provinces, an ocean of blood will not extinguish 
them. It will moreover be difficult to prevent the revolution- 
ary fire that is now burning along the shores of the Pacific 
ocean from spreading into the interior. The patriot general 
Guerrero and his partisans occupy a part of New Spain from 
which it will be almost impossible for the royalists to dislodge 
them. This chieftain has his principal establishment at the 
Or ilia de Zacatiila, situated on the right bank of the river of 
that name, about a league and a half from its mouth. The 
river Zacatula discharges itself into the Pacific ocean, about 
the latitude of eighteen degrees north : it has two mouths, 
about a league distant from each other ; both these are ob- 
structed by bars, but the northernmost one affords an entrance 
for boats. About sixty miles east-south-east from this river, 
is the harbour of Siguatanejo, which, for beauty, spacious- 
ness, and security, is exceeded by none on the shores of the 
Pacific ocean. The Spaniards, fearful that it should become 
known to foreigners, have rigorously prohibited all traffic 
whatever at this port. Lord Anson, we believe, was the first 
and has been the only foreigner that ever entered it. About 
nfteen miles north from Zacatula, there is likewise an excel- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 307 

lent bay (ensanada) called Petacalco. The anchorage therein 
is 'convenient and secure, and the water is smooth through- 
out the greater part of the year. The sea breeze sets in 
regularly at eight o'clock in the morning, and continues 
until sun-set, when it is succeeded by a land breeze, which 
usually blows until six or seven o'clock next morning. The 
whole line of this coast, from Zacatula down to Siguatanejo, 
is at present under the control of Guerrero. The positions he 
has chosen are not only secure from surprise by the enemy, 
but that at Orilla is even capable of sustaining a formidable 
siege. It is defended on the south-east by a deep, wide, and 
rapid river; and between it and a place called Colima, is a wil- 
derness impassable by an army. From Tierra Fria, it can only 
be approached by a road on the right bank of the river, which 
road passes over mountains for nearly thirty leagues, every 
mile of which offers defiles where one hundred resolute men 
could arrest the march of one thousand. In fact, the country 
occupied by Guerrero is the most favourable part of New 
Spain for defensive operations; and so long as this experienced 
chief remains on the defensive, it will be almost impracticable 
for his enemies to subdue him. His advanced posts extend to 
Las Valzas. The country, being thinly settled, affords not the 
means of subsistence for an army of royalists ; while the pa- 
triots, to whom privations are common, have a sufficiency. 
Guerrero has adopted the plan of collecting the cattle into a 
herd, so that, on the approach of the enemy, he has only to 
drive them to the rear, thus cutting off the means of subsist- 
ence from his opponents. The latter must therefore receive 
their supplies from a great distance, which almost precludes 
the possibility of attempting a formal siege of Guerrero's 
strong hold, the only manner in which he can be dislodged. 

The people of all that part of the province of Mexico are 
remarkable for their hatred to the Spaniards ; and in the ad- 
joining provinces of La Puebla and Oaxaca, the whole of the 
population along the coast of the Pacific ocean are ready to 
co-operate with Guerrero. The inhabitants of the mountains 
of the Misteca are particularly attached to him ; and, should 
he make his future advances in that direction, he would be 



308 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

cordially supported. It is probable, however, that Guerrero 
will remain at his present position on the river Zacatula, until 
some favourable circumstances occur in the other provinces, 
or until he receive a supply of arms and munitions of war. 

Should the cruizers of Buenos Ayres and Chili direct their 
attention to that part of the coast of the Pacific ocean within 
the jurisdiction of Guerrero's command, they could, with the 
aid of the latter, fortify Siguatanejo, and make it a place of 
rendezvous, of high importance to themselves, and of very 
serious annoyance to the enemy. By the adoption of such a 
measure, the whole commerce of the coast from Guaquil to 
Acapulco and San Bias could be annihilated, and the trade 
between Manilla and Acapulco obstructed or destroyed. We 
presume the reason why such an attempt has not yet been 
made, must arise from the want of information in the govern- 
ments of Buenos Ayres and Chili, with regard to the position 
occupied by Guerrero, and the character of the population of 
the whole range of the coast. 

Two thousand troops, with an extra supply of ten thousand 
muskets, landing on the coast near Guerrero's position, and 
uniting with that chieftain, would decide the fate of Mexico in 
less than six months ; and should those troops be Creoles of 
Chili, of Buenos Ayres, or of the republic of Colombia, they 
would be received with joy and gratitude by the Mexicans', 
and would moreover be their fittest auxiliaries. 

These observations, combined with the facts which we have 
related in the preceding chapters, will make it obvious to the 
reader that the sovereignty of Spain over Mexico is suspend- 
ed to a fragile thread, and that the emancipation of the latter 
from Spanish thraldom is an event that must take place at no 
distant day. 

We shall close our Memoirs of the Revolution, in the fol- 
lowing chapter, by briefly noticing the cruelties committed by 
the Spanish authorities in Mexico and South America during 
the last nine years. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 309 



CHAPTER XII. 

Cruelty a predominant feature in Spanish history; exemplified 
by a brief, view of the conduct of Spain in Europe, and by 
the horrors committed, by her authorities, in Mexico and 
South America, since the year 1810 — Reflections. 

THE scenes of cruelty which we have related in the course 
of our Memoirs of the Mexican revolution, may startle some 
of our readers, and incline them to doubt the correctness of 
our statements. We therefore deem it necessary to state, that 
in almost every instance which we have noticed of the atroci- 
ties perpetrated by the royalists, we have derived our informa- 
tion from the records of facts, either acknowledged or never 
denied by the Spanish government, and generally obtained 
from Spanish official documents, published in Spanish Ame- 
rica, and in the Madrid Gazette. In the early years of the 
present revolutions in Spanish America, the viceroys, cap- 
tains general, and nearly all the royal officers, appear to have 
emulated each other in vituperating the American character, 
and in boasting of the inhuman deeds they had performed. 
They appear to have been regardless of the opinions of the 
civilized world, and exulting in that which should have caused 
the deepest shame, have placed on record the bloody deeds 
performed by their orders. But while they have thus set at 
defiance the judgments of the present generation, they have 
created a tribunal in the posterity of America, that will pass 
upon them a severe but righteous condemnation. 

An inquiry into the causes which have distinguished Spain 
among the nations of Europe for deeds of horror, may de- 
serve the attention of the future philosopher and statesman. 
The chivalrous exploits of the ancient Castiiians, the gene- 
rosity and nobleness which characterized the Spaniard of the 
olden time, have been the theme of admiration for many 



310 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

centuries; but an attentive examination of their history will 
convince us, that even in the era of their brightest glory, 
cruelty was a prominent trait in their character. In vain have 
they styled themselves the most Christian nation on earth, — in 
vain have they called themselves the favoured people of God, 
■ — in vain have they crowded their cities, towns, and villages, 
with temples dedicated to religion, and spread legions of 
priests over their territories, — in vain do they perpetually 
ring in our ears their pre-eminent piety, when all these advan- 
tages have been insufficient to check their propensities to the 
odious vice of cruelty, which, even among savages and Pagans, 
excites our abhorrence and reprobation. Does this arise from 
physical causes, or does it originate in that vindictive and re- 
lentless spirit which has ever characterized ecclesiastical des- 
potism, whether existing among Christians or Pagans ? 

In all the wars on the European continent in which Spain 
has taken a part, her officers and soldiers have been distin- 
guished for their ferocity and cruelty, and particularly in those 
of the reign of Philip III. It was in that monarch's reign, 
that Spain prosecuted a war in the Netherlands, accompanied 
by scenes of licentiousness and barbarity which cause her name, 
even to this day, to be execrated by the Dutchjpeople; and it 
was during his reign, about the year 1609, that unparalleled 
scenes of horror were committed, in the expulsion of the 
Moors from Spain. These people had lived in the country 
eight hundred years ; and were distinguished from the Span- 
iards by their language, religion, character, and manners. 
After a series of bloody wars, the Spaniards at length over- 
came and reduced them to a state of vassalage, when the 
greater part of them submitted to receive Christian baptism. 
They were an industrious and frugal people ; and, while the 
Spanish villages all over Castile and Andalusia were falling 
into decay, those of the Moors increased and flourished. In 
consequence of this, their numbers rapidly augmented ; and 
the Spaniards entertained fears, that if some remedy was not 
speedily applied, the Moors might regain the ascendency they 
had formerly possessed. The two schemes that presented 
themselves to the Christian cabinet of Philip III., were, to 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 311 

put the whole of them to the sxvord, or to transport them to 
foreign parts. There were numerous advocates for the indis- 
criminate slaughter of these unfortunate people : but it was 
apprehended that such a deed would fill all Europe with in- 
dignation, and therefore it was resolved to expel the Moors 
from the kingdom. 

Among the ecclesiastics of those days, who bore a distin- 
guished part in this act of violence and injustice, was Don 
Juan de Ribera, patriarch of Antioch and archbishop of Va- 
lentia, an aged prelate, highly venerated for Kis piety and 
learning, and eulogized by the Spanish and Italian historians 
as one of the brightest ornaments that ever adorned the Chris- 
tian church. The memorial addressed to the king, on this 
occasion, by this so much lauded patriarch, breathes in every 
line the darkest spirit of fanaticism, and is the most outrageous 
violation of the principles of humanity and Christianity that 
was ever penned. According to the bishop's doctrine, even 
the Moors who had been baptized and converted to Chris- 
tianity, were still to be considered as " dangerous heretics." 
He carried his intolerance and blasphemy to such an extrava- 
gant length, as to state, in his memorial ; " In baptizing the 
Moresco children, therefore, our consciences are greatly dis- 
turbed with the apprehension that we are guilty of violating 
the commandment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has pro- 
hibited the giving of holy things to dogs, and the casting of 
pearls before swine." 

It was finally determined by Philip, with the advice of all 
his counsellors spiritual and temporal, that the Moors were to 
be considered as obstinate heretics, and apostates from the 
faith, whom the king, if he thought fit, might justly punish 
with death; that therefore there could be no room to doubt 
the lawfulness of the milder punishment of banishment ; and 
accordingly it was resolved that they should be immediately 
expelled the kingdom. 

The manner in which this unfeeling sentence was carried 
into execution, is calculated to thrill the heart with horror. 
We shall content ourselves with exhibiting a brief outline of 
the horrid enormities which ensued. 



312 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

By the edict of expulsion, all the men, women, and children, 
were commanded, under pain of death, to be ready, within 
three days, to repair to the sea-ports for embarkation. All 
their effects were confiscated ; and death was pronounced 
against those who should attempt to conceal any part thereof. 
The numbers that were massacred on their route to the coast, 
and that perished on their voyage to Barbary, have been vari- 
ously represented by different historians, not one of whom 
makes the number less than one hundred thousand mew, women, 
and children. They were barbarously murdered at sea, by the 
officers and crews of the ships which they had freighted. There 
are instances recorded of inhuman cruelties exercised on this 
injured and defenceless people, surpassing in atrocity what- 
ever is related in sacred or profane history. Men were but- 
chered in presence of their wives and children, and the latter 
afterwards thrown alive into the sea. Some of the females, 
on account of their beauty, were preserved alive for a short 
time, to glut the brutal lust of the murderers of their hus- 
bands or brothers, and then either slaughtered or committed 
to the waves. Such were the deeds of horror which were 
revealed, upon the trials to which these inhuman barbarians 
were brought, in consequence of their quarrelling with them- 
selves concerning the division of the spoil. 

The fate of those who reached the coast of Barbary was not 
less deplorable. They were furiously attacked by the Bedouin 
Arabs, a wild banditti, who subsist by plunder. Of six thou-? 
sand Moors, who set out together from Conastal, a town in 
the neighbourhood of Oran, with an intention of going to Al- 
giers, only one person survived to reach that place. 

Had these unfortunate people been exterminated by the 
sword, as was at first proposed, it would have been an act of 
mercy, compared with the fate to which they were actually 
doomed; but their sufferings, so far from exciting commisera- 
tion in the authors of their calamities, were made a subject of 
exultation; and the act was pronounced by the Catholic clergy 
to be acceptable in the sight of God, and a signal instance of 
divine judgment against heresy. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 313 

In sonie parts of Spain, where the Moors either resisted the 
order for expulsion, or could not comply with it under the 
peremptory terms prescribed, they were butchered in the most 
horrible manner. No mercy was shown to age or sex ; while 
rolling in the dust, imploring mercy of their savage con- 
querors, they were indiscriminately slain. Some had shelter- 
ed themselves among the woods and rocks ; but Philip fixed 
a price upon their heads, and soldiers were sent to hunt for 
them as for beasts of prey. Scarcely an individual escaped. 
Those who were taken alive in the mountains of Valentia, 
were conducted to the city ; and, after suffering every species 
of mockery and insult, were put to death by excruciating tor- 
tures. Such of our readers as wish to examine the details of 
these dreadful transactions, are referred to Watson's History 
of the Reign of Philip III. and to contemporary historians. 

A government that could sanction such scenes of atrocity, 
and a people who could rejoice in the barbarous spectacles of 
an auto defe, and in the other horrors of the tribunal of the 
Inquisition, were of course prepared for the execution of all 
those inhuman acts which have taken place in the New World 
since the epoch of its discovery, and more especially of those 
enormities which have occurred during the present revolution 
in Spanish America, which it has become our duty to notice 
in the present chapter. 

We shall first recapitulate the cruelties that have been ex- 
ercised in Mexico. The proclamations and decrees of vice- 
roy Vanegas outrage every principle of humanity and civi- 
lized warfare ; and his despatches to the court of Madrid, 
which have been published in the Gazette of that city, contain 
little else than an account of the number of insurgents he has 
slain in battle, or murdered after he had taken them prisoners. 
Commandant Revollo, in his official despatch to the viceroy, 
recommends the promotion of a serjeant for having slain a 
nephew among the insurgents. Commandant Bustamante re- 
commends, in like manner, a dragoon for having killed his 
kneeling brother. General Truxillo boasts of having murder- 
ed the bearers of a flag of truce. General Calleja, on several 
occasions, writes in the most exulting style, of the thousands 
(40) 



314 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

he had butchered, while on their knees imploring his mercy. 
In the action of Zamora, the royal commander states, that ail 
the prisoners xvere deliberately despatched. General Cruz y 
in almost every despatch to the viceroy, boasts of the number 
of prisoners he had shot, and of the toxvns and villages he 
had reduced to ashes. Captain Blanco states, that his troops, 
eager for blood, destroyed persons of every age and sex, until 
no more victims could be found. Don Caetano §>uintero, in 
his despatch of the 29th of August, 1811, says, that in the 
attack of Amoladeras, which continued two hours, no quarter 
was given. Commandant Villaescusa states the manner in 
which he entrapped the bearer of a fag of truce, and subse- 
quently murdered him. General Calleja issues proclamations 
and edicts of the most sanguinary nature, and carries into 
execution all his threats. The burning of towns, the butchery 
of prisoners, and the annihilation of a defenceless population, 
are the perpetual themes of this monster, in his official des- 
patches. Yet, as we have before stated, for these eminent 
proofs of his loyalty to his beloved monarch, he was promoted 
to the rank of Mariscal de Campo, made viceroy of Mexico, 
decorated with the cross of Charles III., and was last year 
nominated to the command of that expedition which was in- 
tended for new scenes of butchery in America, but which the 
influence of justice and regeneration has baffled. 

It must be understood, that the preceding outline of hor- 
rors committed in Mexico by the royalists, is only a very 
small part of the tragic scenes yet brought to light : they are 
merely a part of those which have been confessed in public 
documents even by the royalists, and which we have casually 
met with, in various writers, prior to the year 1814. 

While we were in Mexico, we carefully examined the offi- 
cial papers, respecting the cruelties referred to in the work 
of William Walton Esq. published in London in 1814, en- 
titled " An Expose of the Dissensions of Spanish America;" 
and we found that they corresponded with Mr. Walton's 
statements. But when we reflect on the vast number of dread- 
ful acts which were related to us by individuals who were 
witnesses of the transactions, and of which not the least ae- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 315 

count has yet been published, we feel justified in asserting, that 
not one-eighth of the long catalogue of cruelties committed by 
the royalists in Mexico, has yet been exhibited to public notice. 

We perused a manuscript history of the Mexican Revolu- 
tion up to 1816, written by a distinguished Creole, (whose 
name honour and prudence forbid us to disclose,) which con- 
tained a minute detail of the royal massacres and devastations. 
The enormities that were there related have no parallel on 
the page of history. The writer of that manuscript, trembling 
for his life in case such a document should fall into the hands 
of the royalists, committed it to the flames ; fortunate was it 
for him that he did so ; for, a few days afterwards, he was un- 
der the necessity of delivering up his person to the royalists. 
He still lives, and we hope will yet have an opportunity of 
exhibiting to the world a faithful history of the revolution ; 
for, until such a work shall appear, civilized nations will not 
be able to form a complete opinion of the sufferings which the 
Mexican people have experienced, during their struggle for 
freedom. 

Having thus noticed the bloody scenes acted by Spanish 
policy in Mexico, let us take a cursory view of those which 
have taken place in other parts of Spanish America. 

Venezuela, New Grenada and Quito, at present constituting 
the republic of Colombia, have been the theatres of greater 
horrors, if possible, than those committed in Mexico. The 
reader, overcome with disgust, would turn from the page that 
contained the recital of but a thousandth part of the executions 
which have taken place at Carthagena, Mompos, Santa Fe de 
Bogota, Popayan, ^uito, Caracas, Barcelona, Cumana, La 
Guayra, Puerto Cavello, Valencia, and other cities of those 
countries. Of the extent of those horrors, some idea may be 
formed, when we state, that, within the last nine years, it 
appears, from Spanish official documents, that there have been 
sacrificed in cold blood, by hanging, shooting and other modes 
of execution, eighty thousand prisoners, in those three pro- 
vinces. We must bear in mind, that in these eighty thousand 
victims are not included many thousand others who were put 
to death by a brutal soldiery, whenever they visited a village 



516 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

the sentiments of whose inhabitants they suspected to be la 
vourable to the insurgents. How many inoffensive men, 
women, and children, have been slaughtered, of whose fate nd 
further notice has been taken, in the official despatches of the 
royal commanders, than in the following words : " The town 

or pueblo of> , xvith all its inhabitants, has disappeared 

from the face of the earth ! ! /" 

In June, 1816, the Spanish general Morilio entered the 
city of Santa Fe de Bogota, then called, the capital of New 
Grenada. In one of his despatches from thence, which was 
intercepted in its passage to Spain, he boldly describes the 
measures which he had pursued, in the following words : 
" every person, of either sex, capable of reading or writing; 
xvere treated as rebels." " By thus cutting off' all xvho coidd 
read or write, he hoped effectually to arrest the spirit of revo- 
lution" The authenticity of such an extraordinary official 
communication might admit of some doubt, if the monster 
who penned it had not in reality executed the savage deeds 
therein announced. Every person in Santa Fe and in Car- 
thagena, who had been distinguished by their learning or 
their eminence in science, or who had held stations in the 
provincial administrations, and in the congress; with their 
xvives and daughters, were thrown into loathsome dungeons. 
Six hundred of them were hanged or shot, and their bodies 
exhibited on gibbets. All the females who were accomplished 
in literature, of which there were many, suffered the same fate. 
The learned and benevolent Mutis, of whom Humboldt has 
spoken in terms of admiration, Lozano and Caldos, who were 
his disciples in philosophy, a distinguished chemist, and se- 
veral other men of science, who had not borne arms, nor held 
any public trust, were put to death by order of Morilio. Some 
of the females were indebted for the preservation of their 
lives merely to the fatigues of the executioners. These wo- 
men were afterwards exiled. Nearly the whole population of 
Santa Fe supplicated Morilio to spare the life of the venerable 
Mutis ; but the savage was inexorable, openly avowing, that 
learned Creoles were more dangerous enemies than the insur- 
gents in arms. Yet, after having committed such acts of vin- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 317 

dictive cruelty, " this Spanish apostle of pacification ; this 
practical and preventative philanthropist ; this monster of in- 
humanity ; this pillar of the Spanish constitution;" this very 
same Morjllo, issues a proclamation from his head-quarters 
in Caracas, the 12th of June last, addressed to the emigrants 
from Costa Firme, in which, after reminding them of his in- 
cessant efforts for the pacification of that country, since his 
arrival in 1815, he assures them that his sole object has been, 
and continues to be, that of rendering them happy 1 In ap- 
prizing them of his determination to return to his native coun- 
try, he expresses his ardent desire, that, before his departure, 
he may be enabled to give them a fraternal embrace; and, for 
that purpose, conjures them earnestly to hasten their arrival 
at Venezuela, that he may not be deprived of that great satis- 
faction, it being the only consolation remaining to him, on the 
eve of this cruel separation I 

To what emigrants, it may be asked, can this pacific over- 
ture be addressed ? Few are they indeed, unless those be 
included, "who, under the special passport of Morillo, have 
emigrated to another world, but whose spirits are heard around 
their tombs." 

We are still more astonished in beholding this same Don 
Pablo Morillo, who for five years has lavished upon the peo- 
ple of the Costa Firme the grossest epithets and execrations, 
suddenly addressing, for the first time, on the 17th of the same 
month, a letter to the Congress of Colombia, on the subject of 
his proclamation, and styling them, with the most consummate 
hypocrisy and adulation, " Their High Mightinesses, the Con- 
gress assembled at Guyana." In this letter, after beginning 
with " High and Mighty Lords" he dares to insult them by 
advancing the gross falsehood, that the present constitution of 
Spain was adopted by the universal suffrage of the represent- 
atives of both hemispheres ; and informs them, that he had re- 
ceived " positive orders, from the constitutional monarch of 
the Spains, to enter into a just and generous accommodation, 
which shall reunite all the family, in order to enjoy the advan- 
tages of their political regeneration, and to put an end to the 
fatal effects of a division, generated by a desire to be free from 



518 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

oppression, that, by a false calculation, had been considered 
peculiar to those countries, notwithstanding that it had been 
transcendental to all the empire." 

The brief view we have taken of the murders committed on 
the unfortunate Creoles, in the three provinces before men- 
tioned, we are well convinced embraces but a small part of the 
numbers which have perished ; and were we to say, that one 
hundred and fifty thousand, instead of eighty thousand, have 
been deliberately slaughtered by the royalists, we conceive 
that we should still be short of the actual number of victims. 

Similar scenes of carnage have taken place in the provinces 
of La Plata and Chili ; and, although we have no recent ac- 
counts of such events, yet we find enough to make us shudder, 
on perusing the eloquent manifesto, addressed to all nations, 
by the Congress of the provinces of Rio de la Plata, dated at 
Buenos Ay res, the 25th of October, 1816, from which we 
make the following extracts : — 

" The town of Cochabamba was taken, and delivered up to 
plunder for three hours. The commandant of the royal troops, 
Goyeneche, entering, with one-half of his cavalry, the gate of 
the principal church, the host being exposed, killed with a 
stroke of his sword the fiscal Lopez Andreu, who presented it, 
trembling w r ith terror. He ordered the respectable governor 
intendant, Antesana, to be shot; and, observing with compla- 
cency from the balcony of his house this iniquitous assassina- 
tion, ferociously cried out to his troops not to shoot the victim 
in the head, as it was wanted to be stuck upon a pike. When 
it was severed from the body by his command, the headless 
trunk was dragged through the streets, while at the same time 
the brutal soldiers were permitted to dispose at pleasure of the 
lives and properties of the inhabitants, during many successive 
days. Wherever this Nero went, death and devastation mark- 
ed his path. A gesture, a clouded visage, an indiscreet word, 
or a tear stealing down the cheek, was a crime of state. The 
royalists have adopted the dreadful system of putting men to 
death indiscriminately, for no other purpose than to diminish 
our numbers ; and, on entering our towns, have been known 
to massacre even the unfortunate market people, driving them 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 319 

to the public square in groups, and shooting them down with 
cold-blooded, wanton cruelty. The villages of Chuquisaca 
and Cochabamba have more than once been theatres of this 
shocking barbarity. 

" They have compelled our soldiers, taken prisoners, to 
serve against their wills in the ranks of their armies, carrying 
the officers in irons to distant outposts, where it was impossi- 
ble for them to preserve health for a single year, while others 
have been starved to death in dungeons, and many have been 
forced to labour on the public works. They have wantonly 
shot the bearers of flags of truce, and have committed the ut- 
most horrors upon chiefs after their surrender, and other prin- 
cipal personages, notwithstanding the humanity that had been 
shown by us to those prisoners who fell into our hands. In 
proof of this assertion, we need only mention the deputy Ma- 
tos of Potosi, captain general Pumacagua, general Angulo, 
and his brother, the commandant Munecas, and other partisan 
chiefs, shot in cold blood, many days after they had surren- 
dered themselves prisoners. 

" In the district of Valle Grande, they indulged themselves 
in the brutal sport of cutting off the ears of the natives, and 
transmitting a pannier full of them to head-quarters. They 
afterwards destroyed the town by fire ; burnt about forty popu- 
lous villages of Peru ; and took a hellish pleasure in shutting 
up the inhabitants in their houses before setting them on fire, 
in order that their unhappy victims might be burnt alive. 

" They had not only shown themselves implacable in mur- 
dering our countrymen, but they have thrown aside all decen- 
cy and morality, parading old men of the religious profession, 
and women, in the public places, made fast to a cannon, and 
their bodies exposed to shame. 

" They have established an inquisitorial system for all these 
punishments ; they have dragged out peaceful inhabitants from 
their houses, and transported them across the ocean, to be tried 
for pretended offences, and have executed, without trial, a 
multitude of citizens. * 

" They have attacked our sea coasts, and murdered defence- 
less inhabitants, without sparing clergymen and those in ex- 



320 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

treme old age. By the order of general Puzuela, they burnt 
the town of Puna; and, meeting with no others, they put to 
the sword old men, women, and children. They have com- 
pelled our brothers and sons to take up arms against us, and 
have compelled them, under the command of Spanish officers, 
to fight against our troops. They have excited domestic in- 
surrections, corrupting with money, and every species of se- 
duction, the pacific inhabitants of the country, in order to 
involve us in a frightful anarchy, and to enable them to attack 
us weakened and divided. They have displayed a new inven- 
tion of horror, by poisoning fountains and food at La Paz ; 
and, in recompense for the kind treatment they received when 
obliged to surrender at discretion at that place, they blew up 
the barracks, with one hundred and fifty patriots, which had 
been previously mined for that purpose. 

" They have abused the sacred privilege of flags of truce, 
tampered with our governors and generals, and they have 
repeatedly written letters inciting to treason. They have de- 
clared that the laws of war, recognised by civilized nations, 
ought not to be observed towards us; and, with contemptuous 
indifference, replied to general Belgrano, that treaties Could 
not be entered into nor kept with insurgents. 

" It is in the name of Ferdinand of Bourbon, that the heads 
of captured officers have been stuck up on the highways; that 
a distinguished partisan leader has been actually impaled; and 
that the monster Centano, after having murdered colonel Ga- 
margo in the same horrid manner, cut off his head, and sent it 
as a present to general Puzuela, informing him that it was a 
miracle of the Virgin del Carmen. 

" It is Ferdinand of Bourbon who has sent his generals with 
decrees of pardon which they, caused to be published, with no 
other view than to deceive the simple and ignorant, in order to 
facilitate their entrance into cities and towns ; but giving, at 
the same time, private instructions, authorizing and command- 
ing them, after having thus obtained possession, to hang, burn, 
confiscate, assassinate, and inflict every possible suffering on 
those who had availed themselves of such supposititious par- 
dons. 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 321 

" What could America expect from a king, actuated, at the 
very moment of seating himself on the throne, by sentiments 
so inhuman ? — of a king who has no other rewards but chains 
and gibbets, for the immense sacrifices of his Spanish subjects 
in releasing him from captivity, — of subjects, who, at the ex- 
pense of their blood, and of every privation, have redeemed 
him from a prison, in order to adorn his temples with a crown ? 
If these men, to whom he owed so much, received death, 
were doomed to perpetual imprisonment, or to base slavery, 
for no other cause than that of having framed a constitution, 
what might we not expect to be reserved for us ? To hope for 
a benign treatment from him, and from his bloody ministers, 
would have been to seek among tigers for the mildness of the 
dove. Then/ indeed, would have been repeated towards us 
the ensanguined scenes of Caracas, Carthagena, and Quito. 
We should then have spurned the ashes of the eighty thousand 
persons who have fallen victims to the fury of the enemy, and 
whose illustrious manes justly call for revenge; and we should 
have merited the execrations of every succeeding generation 
of our posterity, condemned to serve a master always disposed 
to tyrannize over them, while, by his nullity on the sea, he has 
become unable to protect them from foreign invasion." 

The Madrid Gazette has published the following, among 
many of the blood-stained despatches from America : 
" Battle of Santa Helena, in Peru, April 3, 1816. 

" I can assure your excellency, that I never saw rage nor 
energy equal to that of our enemies. They throw themselves 
on our muskets, as if they had nothing to fear from them : our 
soldiers were mixed with them; they grasped our men by the 
body, and endeavoured to wrench the arms out of their hands. 
A shower of stones fell upon us : we were obliged to fight with 
the bayonet. The wretch Lamargo died by my hand : I did 
not cease striking him with my sabre, until his sword fell from 
his hand. I send it to you, together with his head. More 
than six hundred men were despatched with the bayonet, or 
shot by the soldiers. I intend that the celebrated Pedro Vil- 
larubia shall be beheaded in the public square. He is about 
to be conveyed to Pesit, accompanied bv two sergeants, who 
(41) 



322 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

deserted from the regiment of Lima. They will be shot, toge- 
ther with all the other prisoners." 

Where is the citizen of the United States, where is the lover 
of liberty, or where is the man possessing even a spark of hu- 
manity, whose bosom does not throb with indignation against 
a policy such as that of Spain, after perusing this eloquent and 
dignified manifesto, and the relation we have given of the hor- 
rors that have taken place in Mexico, New Grenada, Quito, 
and Venezuela ? What ought to be the feelings excited in 
the breast of every citizen of the United States, at the very 
mention of the inhuman treatment, and the cold-blooded mur- 
der, of their fellow-citizens, whom accident or the chance of 
war placed in the hands of the Spaniards in Mexico, and who 
were cruelly put to death, not to afford an example which 
might deter other foreigners from aiding the patriots, (for the 
cruelties exercised towards them have not yet been told to the 
world by the perpetrators) but to satiate that thirst for revenge 
which has always formed a component part of the Spanish 
character ? Although Mina's comrades acted in contravention 
to the existing laws of their own country, that circumstance 
cannot possibly palliate the inhumanity they experienced, — 
inhumanity the more outrageous, as the conduct of the victims 
had been marked by honour, justice, and clemency; — inhu- 
manity which can only be equalled by the wild and savage 
inhabitants of unexplored countries ; — a degree of inhumanity 
which adds its mite to the load of infamy with which the an- 
nals of Spanish history are already burthened. The recollec- 
tion of the scenes which occurred at the abandonment of Som- 
brero, and in the dungeons of San Juan de Ulua, cannot be 
easily effaced; and we hope, nay, we feel confident, that there 
does not exist an American citizen, from the Sabine to the 
Passamaquoddy, whose breast burns not with indignation 
against a nation which, in the present day, can sanction deeds 
of so heart-rending a nature. 

If the causes which arrayed the colonies of North America 
in opposition to the authority of Great Britain, have been 
proclaimed by the world to be just, — with how much greater 
reason may the colonists of Spanish America appeal to the 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 323 

universe for approbation and support, during their present 
struggles for emancipation from Spanish thraldom ! Yet, 
strange and incredible as it may appear, there are in free 
North America many who, far from sympathizing with their 
southern brethren, or even wishing success to a cause in which 
they themselves have contended successfully, — condemn the 
exertions of those who are imitating their example in striving 
to obtain the blessings of freedom, support Spain with all the 
weight of argument, and are almost brought to deprecate the 
independence of Spanish America. Every trifling opportunity 
which presents itself is seized with avidity by many, to mis- 
represent and falsify the efforts of the ill-fated Spanish Ame- 
ricans. Their victories are burlesqued, their reverses are mag- 
nified, and their sufferings are derided, by those who, enjoy- 
ing the blessings of security and plenty, know not, except by 
hearsay, the toils, the dangers, and the hardships, endured by 
this oppressed people. Incapable of appreciating their exer- 
tions, they are callous to their appeals, and even withhold their 
applause from the perseverance and intrepidity which they 
have displayed against the tyranny of the Old World. Because 
the union, energy, and wisdom, which accomplished the inde- 
pendence of the United States, have not directed the opera- 
tions of a people who are only now emerging from a state of 
the most complex slavery, and involuntary ignorance, under 
which colonies ever groaned, they are shamefully disregarded 
as unworthy of protection, and the voice of humanity is suf- 
fered to waste itself in vain. Such principles should be found 
only in the satellites of crowned heads. That misrepresenta- 
tion and falsehood on this subject should be propagated by 
Spanish agents, and foreigners who come into our country 
imbued with monarchical and aristocraticai principles, cannot 
excite surprise ; but can we refrain from expressing our re- 
gret and indignation, when we behold some of our own citi- 
zens espousing the cause of Spain, with as much zeal as if 
their very existence, depended upon the continuance of her 
wide-extended dominion in the western hemisphere ? 

In the course of this work, we have merely glanced at some 
of the grievances which America has endured for the space of 



324 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

three hundred years. Ponderous volumes would be filled with 
a detail of them. They are, however, so far known as to 
supersede the necessity of our enlarging farther upon the 
subject. It must, nevertheless, be remarked, that we did 
not observe in the former Cortes of Spain any disposition to 
relax the iniquitous system so long maintained in Spanish 
America ; but, on the contrary,, that body, in unison with the 
Cadiz monopolists, exhibited more rancorous hostility to the 
Spanish Americans than had been displayed during any pe- 
riod since the Conquest. We have already noticed the infa- 
mous decree of the Cortes, of the 10th of April, 1813, wherein 
they declared, that it was " derogatory to the majesty and dig- 
nity of the national congress, to confirm a capitulation made 
zvith malignant insurgents" On examining the decrees of 
the Cortes, of the regency, and of the different juntas who 
exercised the functions of the Spanish government during the 
late war in the Peninsula, we do not find a single instance of 
paternal and generous conduct towards the Americas. But 
a few years ago, the Consulado, or board of trade of Mexico, 
composed of European members, in its solemn deliberations, 
manifested to the Cortes, that the Americans "were a race of 
monkics, filled with vice and ignorance, — automata, unworthy 
of being represented, or representing. This silly and singular 
communication, instead of being treated with scorn, and its 
authors severely reprehended, gave rise to serious debates, in. 
which the Americans were most grossly vituperated, as may 
be seen by examining the proceedings of the Cortes for Sep- 
tember, 1811. 

The representation of America, as well in the former as in 
the present Cortes, is the greatest farce, or rather the most out- 
rageous insult that was ever offered to a body of rational beings. 
Spain, with a population of nine to ten millions, elects one hun- 
dred and fifty representatives to that body; while America, 
with a population of eighteen millions, has thirty representa- 
tives ; that is, one for every six hundred thousand souls. But 
the most extraordinary feature in the farce, is, that an electoral 
junta assembled at Madrid, in May last, and there named the 
thirty representatives who are to represent Spanish America 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 325 

in the Cortes. To say that the decrees of such a Cortes are 
binding even on that portion of Spanish America at present 
under the royal authority, would be an assertion rather difficult 
to maintain : but to suppose that the people of Ckilt, of Buenos 
Ay res, of Venezuela, and of New Grenada, are represented by 
men nominated at Madrid, and bound by the acts of a Cortes 
thus constituted, is indeed an absurdity that has no parallel in 
the annals of legislation. In fact, the orders issued by the late 
Cortes to the royal commanders in America, were more bar- 
barous and imperious than those issued by Ferdinand, after 
his return to the Spanish throne ; and we have seen how faith- 
fully those orders were executed by the Spanish officers. 

Every revolving hour, since the present revolution com- 
menced in Spanish America, has been marked with new inju- 
ries towards its inhabitants ; and considering the extent and 
nature of those injuries, we are astonished that there exists a 
Creole from Cape Horn to the Floridas, who does not exe- 
crate the Spanish name. 

If, during the revolutionary contest of the North American 
colonies, any attempt on the part of the mother country to 
refuse the rebels, as they were then called, the rights of 
civilized warfare caused general indignation, — if, in the case 
of a single citizen put to death contrary to the usages of 
war, the whole nation took a common interest in the murder, 
and adopted immediate measures of retaliation, what ought to 
be the feelings and conduct of the South Americans towards a 
government which has acted as Spain has done during the pre- 
sent contest ? If an Indian ally was reprobated by many of the 
most enlightened members of a British parliament, during the 
struggles of North America for independence, what language 
should now be used towards a nation, that has ordered and 
sanctioned such horrors as those we have related ? Let us 
recall to the recollection of our readers the speech made by the 
venerable earl of Chatham, at the time when lord Suffolk, then 
British secretary of state, contended in the British house of 
peers for the employment of Indians in the war against Ame- 
rica. The secretary undertook to maintain, that " besides its 
policy, the measure was also allowable on principle, for that 



326 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

it xuas perfectly justifiable to rise all the means that God and 
Nature put into our hands." 

Earl Chatham replied, in a burst of eloquence, not surpassed 
for strength, beaut}', and effect, by any thing history has re- 
corded. 

"I am astonished," exclaimed the dignified statesman, — 
" shocked, to hear such principles confessed ; to hear them 
avowed in this house or even in this country. My lords, I 
did not intend to have encroached again on your attention, but 
I cannot repress my indignation, — I feel myself impelled to 
speak. My lords, we are called upon as members of this house, 
as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible barba- 
rity. ' That God and Nature put into our hands !' What 
idea of God and Nature that noble lord may entertain, I know 
not ; but I know that such detestable principles are equally 
abhorrent to religion and humanity. What ! to attribute the 
sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the 
Indian scalping knife ! to the cannibal savage, torturing, mur- 
dering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims ! 
Such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling 
of humanity, every sentiment of honour. These abominable 
principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand 
the most decisive indignation. I call upon that reverend 
and this most learned bench to vindicate the religion of their 
God, to support the justice of their country. I call upon the 
bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn ; 
upon the judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to 
save us from this pollution. I call upon the honour of your 
lordships to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to 
maintain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of 
my country, to vindicate the national character. I invoke the 
genius of the constitution. From the tapestry that adorns 
these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns 
with indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain did 
he defend the liberty and establish the religion of Britain 
against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than popish 
cruelties and inquisitorial practices are endured among us. 
To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for blood ! 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 327 

against whom ? Your Protestant brethren ! — to lay waste 
their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their 
race and name, by the aid and instrumentality of these hor- 
rid hell-hounds of war ! Spain can no longer boast pre-emi- 
nence in barbarity. She armed herself with blood-hounds 
to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico; but we, more 
ruthless, loose the dogs of xvar against our countrymen in 
America, endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify 
humanity. My lords, I solemnly call upon your lordships, 
and upon every order of men in the state, to stamp upon this 
infamous procedure the indelible stigma of public abhorrence. 
More particularly I call upon the holy prelates of our reli- 
gion to do away this iniquity ; let them perform a lustration, 
to purify their country from this deep and deadly sin. My 
lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; 
but my feelings and indignation were too strong to say less. 
I could not have slept this night in my bed, nor have re- 
posed my head upon my pillow, without giving this vent to 
my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous 
principles." 

What would the patriotic and high-minded earl of Chat- 
ham have said, had he lived in the present times, and heard 
of the barbarities of Spain towards her colonists ? 

When the Russians put to the sword thirty thousand Turks 
at the capture of Ismail, all Europe shuddered. When it 
was said that Bonaparte had put to death his sick in Egypt, 
all Europe was shocked. When Indian savages are taken as 
the allies of Great Britain in modern warfare, the British 
people, as well as the whole civilized world, condemn the 
barbarous alliance. When the city of Washington was en- 
tered by the British, when the public edifices which had been 
erected there for civil purposes, and the national library, were 
set fire to by the merciless foe, Europe frowned on the de- 
stroyers, and registered the transaction in her records as an 
act of Vandalism, disgraceful to the exalted nation whose offi- 
cers directed it, and dishonourable to the age in which it was 
committed. What then should be the denunciation which the 



328 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

conduct of Spain to her transatlantic brethren has merited ? — 
a nation, which, hugging itself in the cloak of religion ; brand- 
ing every other, that differed from her in tenets, with the 
stigma of heresy ; proclaiming herself through the world as 
the champion of Christianity, and boasting of her peculiar 
adherence to its doctrines, orders and sanctions a system of 
atrocities, unknown in the darkest ages of society, and re- 
wards with honours and distinctions those who show them- 
selves to be animated with the spirit of her sanguinary edicts ? 
Will it be believed by posterity, that the rest of the world 
looked on this tragic scene without making one single effort 
to stanch the bleeding wounds of eighteen millions of people ? 
By this sanguinary course of conduct, more than a million of 
human beings have perished in Spanish America, since the 
year 1810; and no small proportion of these victims have 
perished, not on the field of battle, but by death inflicted in 
all its most hideous forms, by the hand of cold-blooded cruel- 
ty. " Have not sufficient victims been already immolated on 
the altars of vengeance, have not sufficient families been ruined, 
have not sufficient cities and towns been plundered and de- 
stroyed ?" " Is it not time to put an end to such a vast and 
fruitless effusion of human blood, and to stanch the horrors 
of so destructive and protracted a war ?" 

" Are not the enormities we have related sufficient to fill 
the heart of every friend of his own species with alarm, and 
chill every feeling of humanity ?" 

The horrors we have noticed are not such as are insepara- 
ble from a state of warfare; they have been engendered by a 
spirit of revenge, and executed with a barbarity unpractised 
even in the darkest ages of Paganism. The stipulations of 
society, in all Christian states, have meliorated the afflictions 
of war by certain usages generally held sacred ; but on the 
American continent, Spain has given to the ravages of war 
every infernal atrocity which the malice of a demon could 
suggest. 

Is there no generous or eloquent Spaniard to be found in the 
present Spanish Cortes, who will raise his voice in that body, 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 329 

and, emulating the renown of Chatham, step forward to stig- 
matise the dreadful system which Spain has pursued, and is 
still pursuing towards America ? 

If no European Spaniard can be found capable of divesting 
himself of his natural (orgullo) pride, or of elevating his mind 
above the prejudices of his education, are there no natives 
of America, in the present Cortes, who, like Mexia, Lardi- 
zabal, Arispe, Teraii, Calatrava, Palacios, Couto, and Ribera, 
members of the former Cortes, will stand forth in behalf of 
America, at the present crisis, and raise their voices against the 
inhuman practices of this frightful and extraordinary contest? 
If no such generous statesmen appear in the saloon of the 
present Cortes, or if Spain pursues the system that has hi- 
therto prevailed in her councils, humanity may still have to 
deplore, for a few years longer, scenes of carnage and desola- 
tion ; but the arm of dreadful retribution cannot be long stay- 
ed ; it will fall with accumulated weight on the head of every 
European Spaniard now in America, or who may hereafter 
dare to set his foot on its soil. 

Nations, like individuals, when excited by powerful passions, 
soon pass to extremes in their conduct. The affection of a 
slave to a master is in some few instances strong and steady, 
but in general it is weak and precarious. The ties between a 
colony and a mother country, bear a much closer analogy to 
those between the master and slave, than between the parent 
and offspring. 

Is it not an abuse of reason as well as a violation of every 
natural law, to suppose that the parent state (as it is called,) 
situated at a distance of two thousand leagues, should dictate 
to, and control an empire vastly superior in extent of territory 
and population ? Can any thing account for the submission of 
colonies, under such circumstances, but an absolute ignorance 
of their physical and moral strength. Will not every attempt 
made by the parent state to keep those colonies in subjection, 
after the latter have discovered their rights and their strength, 
tend to destroy the little affection that may still linger in the 
bosoms of the colonists towards their former madre patria ? 
Will not such outrages as Spain has been in the habit of 
(42) 



330 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

exercising towards the Spanish Americans for upwards of 
three centuries, and more especially during the last ten years, 
not only destroy every principle of attachment, but give birth 
to an inextinguishable hatred ? Is it possible that the wise 
Europeans of the Peninsula, have not yet discovered the 
inutility of all their menaces and savage edicts, and of all 
their murders, to effect the pacification of America ? Are 
they so infatuated or blinded by pride and prejudice as not to 
see, that the constitution, which would have been received 
some years ago with joy and gratitude by the Americans, 
will now be rejected with disdain? or if received by any por- 
tion, that it will be for no other purpose than a temporary ex- 
pedient to enable them with more ease and certainty to ac- 
complish their ulterior views in favour of the independence 
of their country ? 

We entertain very little expectation that the present Cortes 
will adopt a more liberal system of policy towards America 
than the last. It remains, however, yet to be seen, whether 
the lessons of experience will dissipate the mists in which the 
former Cortes were involved, and whether some of the mem- 
bers of the present body have become regenerated by adver- 
sity. We shall gratefully acknowledge our mistake, should 
the Cortes generously come forward and prove themselves 
just and wise, by respecting the rights of mankind in America, 
and by magnanimously confessing that the inhabitants of Ame- 
rica, as well by reason as the laws of nature, are entitled to the 
privileges and blessings of self-government. 

Should any enlightened Spaniard peruse these remarks, we 
pray that he will bear in mind, that they have been penned by 
a citizen of the United States, not with a view to wound the 
feelings of a Spaniard, but to show the dreadful effects of ec- 
clesiastical and civil despotism on the human character. We 
know not any natural causes to make the natives of the Penin- 
sula of Spain more sanguinary than the rest of the human race. 
The greater portion of the Spanish Peninsula enjoys as fine a 
climate as any in Europe ; its soil is capable of yielding every 
thing necessary for human subsistence ; and Christianity has 
shed its rays in every corner of the kingdom ; but, neverthe- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 331 

less, there is a vindictive spirit in the Spaniard, there is hau- 
teur in his deportment, cruelty in his conduct in war, and a 
jealousy the most absurd and constant, against the people of 
all other nations. These are characteristics of the Spaniards, 
attested by the pages of history, and by almost every travel- 
ler who has visited Spain. The exceptions to this general cha- 
racter are more rare among the Spaniards than among any 
other people of the earth. It is possible their character may 
be changed by a new course of education. Bigots always 
have been, and ever will be cruel ; but when we see civil des- 
potism blended with religious intolerance, we may cease to 
wonder, that the Spaniard, in his individual as well as national 
character, is proud and vindictive. 

These traits have, in a most striking manner, been exem- 
plified in the conduct of Spain and of Spaniards towards Ame- 
rica ; and, with a view to illustrate the subject, we shall close 
our memoirs of the Mexican revolution with the following pa- 
raphrase of the sentiments of a celebrated modern writer. 

" Humanity hath lifted up her voice, and is invoking every 
heart of generous sentiments to frown upon the execrable 
scenes that are acting in America, and which, under names the 
most specious and venerated, are covering her with crimes of 
the deepest die. The men who tread the soil of that unhap- 
py country have lost their natures. The eye there sees none 
but ferocious enemies, bent on mutual slaughter. Every thing 
is devastated — every thing is consumed by the sword and the 
flames. The Spanish soldier, made savage by his ideal wrongs, 
has proclaimed extermination to be the only law of those vast 
regions. How long shall we unmoved contemplate these hor- 
rors, which strip the human character of its noblest attributes, 
and degrade man to the level of the ferocious beasts of the 
forest ? Shall havoc still elevate her ensanguined brow in the 
New World, within the eyeshot of the Old ? and after so much 
has been done to ameliorate the intercourse between Europe 
and Africa, shall nothing be done for America ? 

" A king of Syracuse imposed no other law on conquered 
Carthage than the abolition of human sacrifices. The Catho- 
lic religion had cast down the blodfl-stained altars of Mexico ; 



332 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

but Spain has rebuilt the fearful shrines, and now, armies of 
inhuman priests offer up prostrate America, at her command, 
as a victim to appease the irritated manes of her rejected 
crown ! Will Europe never cease to be the curse of the in- 
habitants of those climes, and to force from them their gold 
by their blood, and shed their blood by armies paid with that 
gold ? 

" The senate of Rome once listened with submission to a 
savage, and rewarded the ingenuous frankness of his words 
by suspending the exactions of his country. Ah ! how nobly 
was Rome then represented by her senate, and how much more 
glorious would Europe appear, should she, in the name of hu- 
manity, interpose her august judgment to stem the tide of wo 
which overwhelms America, and should she, placing herself 
between these fierce combatants, exact a truce of their rage ! 
When, then, America and Spain should present themselves 
before this Areopagus, what emotions would not the former 
excite, and how speechless would the latter be, if America, 
discovering her wounds, and showing her opened and almost 
bloodless veins, should exclaim, ' Cruel Spain ! did Heaven 
form me for thyself alone ? In tranquillity and happiness I 
had passed the peaceful ages that preceded the fatal hour, when 
the hand of thy Columbus tore aside the veil which from cre- 
ation's dawn had hid me from thine eyes. But I learned to 
know thee by my tearful eyes and shed blood. For, soon as 
thy soldiers had landed on my shores, they poured among my 
unoffending children an unknown and appalling fire — and thy 
fiery coursers smote them with their mailed hoofs. Thou de- 
stroyedst my thrones, and the altars erected by my gratitude 
to that great luminary whose rays fertilize my soil, ripen the 
juices of my peerless vegetables, and beautify, with splendid 
hues, my flowers and my fruits — the inhabitants of my groves 
and of my wide-spread plains. The bowels of my lofty moun- 
tains give thee riches; the freshness and medicinal virtues of 
my plants give thee health ; and the only acknowledgment that 
I have yet received from thee has been death, and death alone ! 

"'From the time that thou deliveredst to the flames the 
last scion of my Incas, and transportedst to another hemi- 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 333 

sphere the race which occupied my throne of Mexico, hast 
thou forborne one instant to heap outrage upon outrage, and 
to add ruins to ruins ? 

" ' With extended arms I receive thee in my territory, and 
thou instantly declarest me a slave ; and to arrogate to thyself 
the right of subjecting me, thou placest the widest and most 
unnatural distinctions between thy children and mine, and con- 
demnest them to form the last link in the chain of being. 

" l It was necessary that Rome should command thee to view 
in them human beings, and thy obedience to her orders was 
for once without reproach. But, thenceforth, thou entrustedst 
to chains and to the knife the duty of maintaining that distinc- 
tion thou hadst placed between mine and thine. Surely, be- 
ings so inferior to the cherished sons of thy bosom merited 
extermination, and they have disappeared. Then at least thou 
wast not a parricide ; but now, is it not thine own blood that 
thou art shedding ? Have those who sprung from thy loins, 
my adopted sons, lost in thine eyes all traces of their origin ? 
Dost thou not acknowledge them as brothers ? In the first 
tempest of thy wrath, thy vengeance fell on strangers ; but 
now thou hast risen up against Spaniards, — thou warrest 
against thine own family. No longer do strange and different 
forms of worship divide us. My voice now utters the sounds 
of that majestic language which you have diffused throughout 
the vast extent of my dominions. Oh Spain ! how canst thou 
assume the tender name of mother ? A mother studies the 
happiness of her offspring, — their felicity constitutes her de- 
light. But hast thou ever attempted to sooth my sufferings, 
or enlighten my mind? Speak, and inform me, in which of 
thy acts or sentiments can I recognise thy fostering care ? 

" ' From the commencement of thy reign over me, thou hast 
trembled for the preservation of thy power. The extent of 
my territory fills thee with alarm, when compared with thy 
straitened limits in one corner of Europe. My wealth makes 
thee blush for thy poverty; — my fertility, for the barrenness 
of thy soil. The population which my vast regions are des- 
tined by the God of nature to subsist, frightens by anticipation 
thy unpeopled cities and deserted plains : and, to quiet thy 



334 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

jealous fears, thou repressest the principles of strength and 
felicity within me, and withdrawest from my soil its exube- 
rant fruitfulness, that the tree may bear no more fruit than thy 
own hand can pluck. Like the Dutch, who, with hoe in hand, 
traverse the fruitful Moluccas, and extirpate the luxurious 
shoots, lest their superabundance should interfere with the 
value of the produce to which avarice has limited those isles, 
thou hast commanded nature, prodigal of her favours to me, 
to become steril : thou hast forbidden the olive to yield its oil 
to me, — the mulberry tree, to nourish the insect whose indus- 
try would yield me robes of comfort and splendour, — the vine, 
to beautify my hills, or allay my thirst with its juice. To 
extract for thee the gold from my mountains, is all that thou 
permittest me to do. Thou hast debarred me from commu- 
nication with the rest of the world ; and if I am known to it, 
it is yet undiscovered to me. The products of human indus- 
try, the embellishments of art, and the advantages of science, 
thou withholdest from my enjoyment. My noble rivers flow 
through solitary forests and unpeopled regions. My ports 
are capable of containing all the ships of the world ; but thy 
iron laws condemn them to a solitude that is never broken, 
but by some meanly freighted ship, despatched by the avarice 
of thy ministers, or by the intrigues of thy courtiers. 

" ' To whom hast thou committed thy authority over me ? 
To ungrateful strangers. By whom have they been succeed- 
ed ? By men equally unknown and ungrateful, whose rapacity 
has long since ceased to excite my surprise, and whose for- 
bearance I have never known. Behold what thy reign has 
cost me : and add to this, thy wars that interest me not, which 
blockade my ports, ravage my coasts, and convert the vast 
circumference of my territory into the barrier oLa prison. 

" c But the endurance of these wrongs has reached its height. 
For a long time, thou hast ceased to exist in relation to me. 
Events, over which I had not the slightest influence, have 
occasioned this separation, and established new relations be- 
tween us. Other views have burst upon my enraptured sight, 
and have created for me a new existence. Shall I renounce 
that existence for thy sake, and become again a hewer of wood 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 335 

and a drawer of water ? Leave me, oh leave me, to pursue 
in peace that path which is fitting to my age, and which the 
march of mind has formed for me. Deceive not thyself, nor 
think that it is I who have burst asunder the bonds that united 
us. It was nature herself, — it was that world from which 
thou hast excluded me, to which I now belong, and from 
which I must never again be parted. 

" l Tell me, did thy king alone reign over me ? No : every 
Spaniard, every factory, every workshop, in the Peninsula, 
considered me its subject and its slave. Trembling under the 
load of multiplied wrongs, my groans were punished with 
stripes and death ; and when I spoke of civil rights, thy sword 
was unsheathed, and the fire of extermination was lighted. 
Blood and ashes smoke on every side; and the lion of Castile, 
emulating in ferocity the monarch of my own forests, is pre- 
paring to reign, like him, in deserts. 

" ' When the Supreme Being created man, was it that he 
should be a vassal ? Has his neck been only formed to bear 
the yoke ? Is the exercise of his reasoning powers to be denied 
him ? Is the act of reflecting and comparing criminal ? Does 
he merit extermination, for daring to resist oppression ? Dost 
thou not know that it is the oppressor who makes the rebel ? 
Is it not a law of nature, for manhood to feel and assert the 
rights belonging to that stage of existence ? Do not children 
separate from their parents after a certain age, and hast thou 
never seen them become parents in their turn ? Is it a crime 
then for me to throw off my swaddling clothes, when they no 
longer correspond with my growth ? When every thing within 
reminds me of my maturity, when every thing without is en- 
lightened, is in motion, still advancing to perfection, must I 
be held in leading-strings, and live in that darkness in which 
thou wouldst retain me ? Where are thy means to effect it ? 
Whence are thy treasures, but from the bowels of my moun- 
tains ? Whence are thy ships, but from my woods ? Whence 
thy revenue, but from the harvests that thou art now destroy- 
ing, and from the plains that thou art now laying waste ? 
Whence are thy soldiers ? Alas ! thou draggest them to die 
their hands in the blood of brothers. Dost thou rely on their 



\ 



336 MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 

support? Will it not fail thee, if once they rivet their glance 
upon the fascinating ore that I can pour into their hands, in- 
stead of the miserable pittance that thou givest them? — if once 
they taste the fruits which I can offer them, instead of a sub- 
sistence measured by avarice, and diminished by fraud? — or 
if once they behold the brides to whom I can unite them, in- 
stead of that gloomy celibacy to which thou wouldst doom 
their youth, and by which thou wouldst extinguish their race ? 
May not those very soldiers, under circumstances so new and 
unexpected to them, become my friends, and thy enemies ? 
Forget not that the barbarians who invaded Greece, refused 
to quit it, when they had once tasted its delicious fruits, and 
caught a glimpse of those beauties which had served as models 
to the chisel and to the pencil of the artists whose works have 
filled a world with admiration. But suppose that these sol- 
diers, with whom thou threatenest me, should not prove faith- 
less to thee : sent for my destruction, they will find their graves 
on my shores, and their tombs will be seen in my mountains. 
Dost thou for a moment believe that the sight of them will 
intimidate me ? The days of Cortez and of Pizarro have past 
away for ever. My sons and thy sons descend from them. 
No longer do thy arms and thy horses create surprise ; and 
if for an age thy sons were believed immortal, for an age has 
that illusion been dispelled. Receive from me the ofttimes 
salutary advice of an enemy. Abjure an empire thou canst 
no longer control ; and confess that the period has arrived, 
when America, by the decrees of the God of heaven, must be 
separated from your unnatural sway. Know that the day is 
fast approaching, when all nations will learn that their true 
interests consist in cultivating amity and intercourse with each 
other, instead of struggling for the crown of domination. 
Anticipate my future prosperity, and behold in it the real 
source of thine own happiness and regeneration. Get rid of 
thy watchfulness and thy remorse. Come and settle on my 
soil, as brothers and as friends. Participate in those harvests 
which all-bountiful nature, in my favoured climes, yields to 
industry. Let us interchange with each other our respective 
productions : let us terminate the murderous struggle between 



MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 337 

our own kindred. Imbrue thy hands no longer in the blood of 
my sons. Let the powers of youthful America no longer re- 
main dormant, but let her dispute the prize of improvement 
with Spain. Cultivate thy fields, and reanimate the languish- 
ing industry of thy people. With the riches of my mines will 
I pay for the produce of thy industry. But look to obtain 
them no more by the sword. Remember, too, that riches are 
the wages of industry; nor will this decree of nature be chang- 
ed for thee. If my entreaties, thus founded in justice, reason, 
and fraternal sentiments, should fail to soften thy heart, — if, 
deaf to the voice of my sufferings, nothing will content thee 
but the return of my neck to the yoke, — if thou fearest not 
that America may one day deny to Spain, what Spain now 
refuses to America, — if thou wilt draw thy vengeful steel, and 
strive to enforce thy will at the point of the sword, then be it 
so. My sons shall answer thee with theirs ; and thou wilt find 
engraved upon their blades, ' My ultimatum!' " 



E?JD OF THE MEMOIRS, 



(43) 



BOUTE 

TO 

THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Examination of the different routes to the Pacific Ocean- 
Doubts respecting a passage to the north-west — The com- 
munication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, at the 
province of Choco, examined — Observations upon the routes 
by the Isthmus of Darien or Panama; by the Isthmus of 
Costa Rica; and by that of Oaxaca — General observations 
on the importance of this passage to the civilized "world in 
general, and to the United States in particular. 

HAVING thus far occupied the attention of our readers 
with an account of the civil wars of Mexico, we turn with 
satisfaction from those tragic scenes, to an object of the high- 
est importance to the whole civilized world, and which we 
deem particularly interesting to the citizens of the United 
States, as well as to the present and future generations of the 
whole continent of America. 

To shorten the navigation between the eastern and western 
parts of our globe, either by discovering a passage in the high 
northern latitudes, or by cutting canals and opening routes 
through some parts of the American continent, so as to afford 
either a navigable or rapid communication between the Pacific 
and Atlantic oceans, is most certainly an object which all the 
nations of the earth ought to rejoice in seeing accomplished. 



340 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

For the two last centuries, large sums have been expended 
in attempting the discovery of a north-west passage to the 
Pacific ocean ; and even at the present day, expeditions for 
that purpose are annually fitted out, either by the European 
governments or by enterprising private companies. To say 
that no such passage exists, and that for several degrees around 
the pole there is an impenetrable and eternal congelation, would 
be controverting the opinions of many enlightened men : but 
we believe they will all agree with us, that if ever such a pas- 
sage should be discovered, it'will be in latitudes encumbered 
with floating ice the greater part of the year, perpetually ex- 
posed to tempestuous weather, in a region where vegetation 
is scarcely visible, and where no supplies could be obtained by 
t'ie unfortunate mariner, in the event of detention or shipwreck. 
n _ . e dangers may be encountered, and in part surmounted, 
by human courage and enterprise ; but the time that would be 
required to perform a voyage in that direction would always be 
uncertain. It would at least occupy as many months as the 
present circuitous route to the western shores of the Pacific 
ocean. It is therefore our opinion, that should such a north- 
west passage eventually be discovered, its utility to the com- 
mercial world would be very trifling. Waiving, then, any fur- 
ther consideration of this point, we will proceed to examine the 
different sections of the continent, where nature requires but 
little aid from art, in order to effect the great object of a com- 
munication between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans. 

The Spanish and British governments have at various times 
received the most flattering statements respecting the feasibi- 
lity of opening this communication, either entirely by water in 
some places, or by land and water in others. 

Nine different routes have been proposed : but we shall con- 
fine our examination to such places where we think the project 
of cutting a canal may be successfully undertaken, and where 
a land and water communication appears to be perfectly within 
the compass of human exertion to accomplish. 

More than two centuries ago, the Spanish government knew 
that in the province of Choco, in New Grenada, the cutting of 
a canal of a few leagues would effect a navigable communica- 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 341 

lion between the two oceans ; and that, during the rainy sea- 
son, when the vallies of Choco were overflowed, canoes passed 
-with produce from one sea to the other. But they prohibited, 
under pain of death to those concerned, all communication 
whatever by that route. A monk, (the curate of Novilla) 
ignorant of the interdiction, or pretending to be so, assem- 
bled all the Indians in his parish, and in a short time cut a 
canal between the rivers Atrato and San jfuan, — called since 
the canal of the Raspadura. Large canoes, (bongos J loaded 
with cocoa, actually passed through it. This communication 
was speedily stopped, by order of the government;' and the 
unlucky curate with great difficulty obtained a pardon. 

In the year 1813, we Conversed with some intelligent Span- 
iards and Creoles, at Carthagena, respecting the Raspadura 
canal ; and they stated, that although it was at present choked 
up with sand and bushes, yet it might soon be cleared. They 
also stated that there were several places between the sources 
of the rivers Atrato and San Juan, where a canal might be cut 
by a shorter route than the one which had been opened by the 
curate of Novilla. The distance between the navigable waters 
of Atrato and San Juan is only thirteen leagues; and from the 
Pacific to the Atlantic ocean, following the course of the ravines, 
is only eighty leagues. No doubt, therefore, can exist, that a 
water communication between the two oceans might be accom- 
plished, in the province of Choco, by either opening the for- 
mer canal of Raspadura, or by cutting a new one between the 
two rivers Ave have mentioned. This communication would 
not admit the passage of vessels of large burthen, owing to 
impediments in the two rivers, and to the shallowness of the 
water on the bars at their mouths ; but as the ordinary pur- 
poses of commerce could be answered by the use of large flat- 
bottomed boats, this route merits great consideration ; and it 
will doubtless at some future day be the channel of an impor- 
tant commerce. 

Besides this route, there is, in the same province, another, 
and, as we were informed, a preferable one, by the river Mai- 
pi, which empties into the Atrato, of which indeed it is only 
a branch. From the port of Cupica, on the Pacific ocean, to 



342 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

the head of the navigable waters of the Naipi, is only twen- 
ty-four miles, and the country between the two places is a 
dead level. A canal might therefore be cut without diffi- 
culty. The course of the Naipi is stated to be very cir- 
cuitous, and makes the distance of the navigation a few 
leagues longer than by the route of the Raspadura ; but the 
circumstance of the waters of the Naipi being so near the 
port of Cupica, gives to this route an important advantage. 
The want of correct topographical knowledge prevents us from 
forming an opinion upon the merits of these two routes : but 
there cannot exist a doubt that by either of them a communi- 
cation between the two oceans may be establishedyor the navi- 
gation of boats; and it is possible that at some future period, 
when population becomes dense, and a free trade shall be 
permitted between the inhabitants of the Atlantic and Pacific 
shores, the province of Choco may afford a channel for the 
navigation of large vessels. 

Secondly. The Isthmus ofDarien, or, as it is usually called, 
of Panama, is the section of the American continent most ce- 
lebrated among geographers, authors, and projectors, as the 
point at which the two oceans may be united, by means of a 
canal, with greater facility than at any other place. The Span- 
ish government have at different times endeavoured to obtain 
accurate surveys of the Isthmus ; and for that purpose, engi- 
neers of eminence and capacity have been employed. Some 
of the reports that were officially made on this subject contain 
the most extravagant statements, — such as, that by cutting a 
canal of about twelve leagues, following the course of the ra- 
vines at the foot of the mountains, a passage may be opened 
as wide as the Gut of Gibraltar, from the bay of Panama to 
the navigable waters of Cruces or Chagre. Other reporters 
have stated, that such water communication cannot be accom- 
plished but by locks and tunnels, passing over an elevation of 
at least four hundred feet. In one point, however, all these 
statements accord, — viz. that by a good road from Panama to 
the place of embarkation on the river Cruces, property of any 
description or weight might be conveyed in carriages ; and, as 
the distance is only about twenty-three miles, this place would 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 343 

undoubtedly afford a more rapid and shorter route between 
the two oceans than any yet pointed out. 

During the administration of William Pitt, various projects 
were presented to him, tending to show the feasibility of cut- 
ting a canal through the Isthmus, sufficiently wide and deep 
to admit vessels of the largest size ; and it is well known that 
this statesman frequently among his friends spoke with rapture 
on the subject, and that it constituted one of the great consi- 
derations in his mind when forming his plans for the emanci- 
pation of Spanish America. 

So late as the year 1810, the Edinburgh Reviewers appeared 
to have entertained the same opinion; for we find, in the num- 
ber for January of that year, the following observations : — 

" In enumerating, however, the advantages of a commercial 
nature which would assuredly spring from the emancipation of 
South America, we have not yet noticed the greatest, perhaps, 
of all, — the mightiest event, probably, in favour of the peaceful 
intercourse of nations, which the physical circumstances of the 
globe present to the enterprise of man — I mean, the formation 
of a navigable passage across the Isthmus of Panama, — the 
junction of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. It is remarkable, 
that this magnificent undertaking, pregnant with consequences 
so important to mankind, and about which so little is known in 
this country, is so far from being a romantic and chimerical 
project, that it is not only practicable, but easy" The writer 
proceeds to point out the means by which this great work can 
be effected; and then launches forth into a detail of the advan- 
tages which would result to the commercial and civilized 
world, by thus bringing Asia nearer to Europe, &c. 

It is with diffidence we venture to combat opinions emanat- 
ing from such respectable sources ; but all details, tending to 
disembarrass this important and interesting question, must be 
acceptable. 

Our information on this subject has been obtained from re- 
spectable individuals at Carthagena and Jamaica, who visited 
the Isthmus from commercial views, or for the express pur- 
pose of a personal examination into the facilities or difficulties 
of cutting the so much talked of navigable canal. It is there- 



344 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

fore presumable, that intelligence from such sources is correct. 
We have likewise carefully examined the observations of Wil- 
liam Walton Esq., of London, on this subject, published in 
the fifth and sixth numbers of the Colonial Journal of March 
and June, 1817; and as Mr. Walton's remarks have likewise 
been founded on personal investigation, during a visit he made 
to Panama, we think his opinions worthy of great attention, 
more especially as all his works on South America are cha- 
racterized by liberality, and bear the impress of his ardent at- 
tachment to the cause of rational liberty, and his consequent 
desire to promote and extend the commercial intercourse be- 
tween the Old and New World. 

The river Chagre empties itself into the Atlantic ocean, 
about the latitude of 9° 18' north, and 80° 35' west longitude; 
it is navigable for boats (or large bongos) about twenty leagues, 
to the town of Cruces : the bar, at the entrance of the river, 
will not admit of the passage of a vessel drawing more water 
than ten feet. The current in the river, at certain seasons, is 
extremely rapid ; so that boats are sometimes fifteen or twenty 
days getting to Cruces; but this disadvantage could be reme- 
died by steam vessels. 

A chain of mountains, which Humboldt considers a prolon- 
gation of the Andes of New Grenada, runs through the Isth- 
mus, following the curvature of the coast, and is flanked by 
other lofty hills, rising on both sides. The road from Cruces 
to Panama winds round the sides of those hills, or rather along 
their central base. Supposing a canal to be cut at the foot of 
those hills, pursuing the sinuosities of the ravines, it would 
nevertheless be necessary for the engineer to make use of 
arches in some places, and subterraneous passages in others, 
in order to obtain a level ; and he would likewise have to car- 
ry the canal over an elevation of some hundred feet. But even 
admitting that human ingenuity and labour should surmount 
the physical obstacles, and that a canal should be completed 
from Cruces to Panama, we nevertheless encounter at the lat- 
ter an impediment that we firmly believe to be insuperable. 

The water along the coast, in the bay of Panama, is so shal- 
low, that none but flat-bottomed boats, of one or two feet 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. S45 

draught of water, can approach the shore. The city of Pana- 
ma is situated at the head of the gulf of that name, on a penin- 
sula washed by the waters of the Pacific ocean. A marine 
gate faces the port, which by the Spaniards is called "El Pu- 
erto de las Piraguas" from its being the place of resort of the 
boats so called. On the other side, facing the Isthmus, is an- 
other gate, called "La Puerta de la Tierra," or land gate. To 
the south, the town is surrounded and defended by a range of 
small islands. The anchorage place for all vessels of large 
size, is at two small islands, called Perico and Flaminco, dis- 
tant about seven miles from the city. The lading and unlad- 
ing of vessels is therefore tedious and expensive j and in fact 
the bay of Panama is nothing more than an open roadstead. 

The extreme shallowness of the water near the beach, not 
only in the bay, but along the whole coast, opposite to those 
places where the projectors of the canal have contemplated 
cutting a passage, seems, as we have before observed, to pre- 
sent a most serious obstacle to its execution. Supposing that 
by locks and tunnels, and excavations, the Isthmus should be 
perforated from Cruces to the shores of the bay of Panama, 
the canal must then be continued to a distance of seven miles 
into the ocean, to admit the navigation of large vessels. We 
conceive it possible to make such a channel into the ocean, but 
it appears to us to be an Herculean task. Besides, such a 
channel would be liable to the operation of the same causes 
that have thrown up the sand along the shore of the bay, and 
would consequently be perpetually filling up. But even ad- 
mitting that all these impediments could be overcome, and that 
a passage should be opened sufficient to allow vessels drawing 
eighteen or twenty feet of water to proceed as far as Cruces, 
they would hot then find a sufficiency of water to descend the 
Chagre and to pass the bar at its mouth : it would be necessa- 
ry therefore to continue the canal by another route, through 
the entire Isthmus, before it could be used as a passage for the 
navigation of large vessels. 

We shall rejoice if future surveys of the Isthmus prove that 
the obstacles we have suggested either do not exist, or that 
they may be surmounted. For we readily confess, that there 
(44) 



346 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

is not a point where it would be more desirable to carry this 
design into execution, than the Isthmus of Panama, not only 
on account of its central position, but from the short distance 
between the two oceans. 

Some writers have suggested, that the cutting of a canal at 
this Isthmus would produce a serious physical revolution in 
the adjacent country, arising from a supposed difference in the 
height of the waters on the Pacific and Atlantic shores. Some 
have gone so far as to say, that the whole Isthmus would be 
inundated, and the present course of the Gulf Stream be en- 
tirely changed. But we consider that Humboldt and other 
scavans of the age have completely refuted the theory of a 

difference in the elevation of the waters of the Pacific and At- 

t. , ... 

lantic oceans. The only difficulty, in our estimation, is, to 

find out a practicable route for a canal capable of admitting 
large vessels to pass from one ocean to another ; but although 
such a route cannot be discovered, and the obstacles we have 
suggested cannot be surmounted, yet the Isthmus of Panama 
must be viewed as a place which from its geographic position 
and other advantages appears destined to enjoy a considerable 
future trade, but never to become a great commercial empo- 
rium. 

Thirdly. We now come to treat of a section of the Ameri- 
can continent, where the magnificent scheme of cutting a na- 
vigable canal, between the two oceans, appears unincumbered 
with any natural obstacles. 

The province of Costa Rica, or, as it is named by some ge- 
ographers, Nicaragua, has occupied but the very cursory no- 
tice of either Spanish or other writers ; they have all, however, 
stated, that a communication could be opened by the lake of 
Nicaragua, between the two seas, but no accurate description 
of the country has ever been published, and indeed so com- 
pletely has the mind of the public been turned towards the 
Isthmus of Panama, as the favoured spot where the canal 
should be cut, that Costa Rica has been disregarded. 

In looking over the excellent maps of Melish and doctor 
Robinson, recently published, we perceive that the river called 
Stori Juan discharges its waters into the Atlantic ocean, in the 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 347 

province of Costa Rica, about the latitude of 10° 45' north. 
This noble river has its source in the lake of Nicaragua. The 
bar at its mouth has been generally stated as not having more 
than twelve feet water on it. About sixteen years ago, an en- 
terprising Englishman, who casually visited the river, examin- 
ed the different passages over the bar, and discovered one, 
which, although narrow, would admit a vessel drawing twen- 
ty-five feet. It is said that some of the traders to that coast 
from Honduras, are likewise acquainted with the passage just 
mentioned, but it has never been laid down on any map ; and 
if the Spanish government had been informed of it, they would, 
conformably to their usual policy, have studiously concealed 
it. After the bar of the San Juan is crossed, there is excel- 
lent and safe anchorage in four and six fathoms of water. It 
is stated that there are no obstructions to the navigation of the 
river, but what may be easily removed ; and at present large 
brigs and schooners sail up the river into the lake. This im- 
portant fact has been communicated to us by several traders. 
The waters of the lake, throughout its whole extent, are from 
three to eight fathoms in depth. 

In the lake are some beautiful islands, which, with the coun- 
try around its borders, form a romantic and most enchanting 
scenery. At its western extremity is a small river, which com- 
municates with the lake of Leon, distant about eight leagues. 
From the latter, as well as from Nicaragua, there are some 
small rivers which flow into the Pacific ocean, — -the distance 
from the lake of Leon to the ocean is only about thirteen miles, 
and from Nicaragua to the gulf of Papagayo, in the Pacific 
ocean, is only twenty-one miles. The ground between the two 
lakes and the sea is a dead level. The only inequalities seen 
are some isolated conical hills, of a volcanic origin. There 
are two places where a canal could be cut with the greatest 
facility : the one, from the coast of Nicoya, (or, as it is called 
in some of the maps, Caldera,) to the lake of Leon, a dis- 
tance of thirteen or fifteen miles; the other, from the gulf of 
Papagayo to the lake of Nicaragua, a distance of about twenty- 
one or ttventy-fve miles. The coast of Nicoya and the gulf of 
Papagayo are free from rocks and shoals, particularly in the 



348 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN". 

gulf, whose shore is so bold that a frigate may anchor within 
a few yards of the beach. Some navigators have represented 
the coasts of Costa Rica, as well on the Pacific as on the At- 
lantic side, as being subject to severe tempests; and hence 
these storms have been called Papagayos : but we have con- 
versed with several mariners who have experienced them, and 
have been assured that they are trifling when compared with 
the dreadful hurricanes experienced among the Antilles, in 
the months of August, September, and October. The Papa- 
gayos are merely strong north-east gales, which last about the 
same time, during the winter season, as the northern gales in 
the gulf of Mexico. More than half the year the seasons are 
perfectly tranquil, and more especially on the coast of the Pa- 
cific ocean. We have conversed with persons, residents of 
the city of Leon, who assured us, that for twenty years past 
they had not experienced any thing deserving the name of a 
hurricane. 

The climate of Costa Rica has none of the deleterious qua- 
lities of the province of Choco and the Isthmus of Panama. 
The sea breezes from the Pacific as well as Atlantic set in 
steadily every morning, and diffuse over the whole Isthmus of 
Costa Rica a perpetual freshness. We think it is not hazard- 
ing too much to say, that this part of the American continent 
is the most salubrious of all the tropical regions. The most 
finely formed and robust race of Indians of any part of the 
American continent, are here to be seen. The soil is peculi- 
arly fertile, particularly in the vicinity of the river San Juan, 
and around the borders of the lakes Nicaragua and Leon. 

From the preceding outline, it will be perceived that nature 
has already provided a water conveyance through this Isth- 
mus, to within a few leagues of the Pacific ocean ; but, sup- 
posing that the route we have mentioned, up the river San 
Juan and through the lake of Nicaragua, should, when accu- 
rately surveyed, discover obstructions (which we do not anti- 
cipate) to the navigation of large vessels, where would exist 
the difficulty, in such case, of cutting a canal through the en- 
tire Isthmus ? The whole distance is only one hundred and 
ninety, or at most two hundred miles from the Atlantic ocean 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 349 

to the gulf of Papagayo. There is scarcely ten miles of the 
distance but what passes over a plain; and by digging the ca- 
nal near the banks of the river San Juan, and the margin of 
the lake of Nicaragua, an abundant supply of water could be 
procured for a canal of any depth or width. Surely the mag- 
nitude of such an undertaking would not be a material objec- 
tion, in the present age of enterprise and improvement, espe- 
cially when we look at what has been accomplished in Europe, 
and at the splendid canal now cutting in our own country, in 
the state of New York. It may be said, that the present 
poverty of the country, and its spare population, are powerful 
obstacles to the execution of the project. If Costa Rica were 
in possession of a liberal government, willing to lend its en- 
couragement to the important object, capital in abundance 
would speedily be forthcoming, either from Great Britain or 
from the United States. Enterprising companies could soon 
be formed ; and we hazard little in predicting that the canal 
"stock of such an association would yield a profit far greater 
than that of any other company in the world. With regard to 
the difficulty of procuring labourers in the present state of the 
population of the country, it could soon be obviated. The 
Indians of Guatimala and Tucatan would flock to the Isthmus 
of Costa Rica in thousands, provided the banners of freedom 
were hoisted there, under any government capable of affording 
them protection, and rewarding them for their labour. The 
present condition of those unfortunate people is wretched be- 
yond conception, particularly of those in the interior of Yuca- 
tan. We have seen them attending Mass, and accompanying- 
religious processions, in hundreds and thousands, almost in a 
state of nudity. Adults had a covering over their loins, and 
sometimes a shirt and a pair of drawers; but children of both 
sexes, under ten and twelve years of age, were literally naked. 
The fruits of their labour are absorbed by the exactions of 
their civil, military, and ecclesiastical despots : they feel no 
stimulus to industry, when they are debarred from enjoying 
or inheriting its fruits : they pass a life of ignorance and apa- 
thy, and die in misery. Unfold to these unfortunate beings 
a new and rational mode of existence, offer them moderate 



350 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

wages and comfortable clothing, give them personal protection, 
and allow them the advantages of a free external and internal 
commerce, and they would soon display a different character. 
Offer to the view of the Indians these blessings, and multi- 
tudes would repair to the proposed point, from all the adja- 
cent countries. Under such circumstances, we do not enter- 
tain any doubt that twenty, thirty, or even fifty thousand 
Indians could be procured for the work in question, who would 
give their labour with gratitude for a moderate compensation. 
Every Indian among the natives of Costa Rica would rejoice 
at the prospect of being employed and paid for his labour, — 
and more especially in the execution of an undertaking that 
even to his untutored mind would present such obvious ad- 
vantages to his country and to his posterity. 

We feel great pleasure in stating, that many of these ideas 
are derived from an interesting and able memoir, written by 
the late Bryan Edwards, the celebrated historian of the West 
Indies. We perused it, several years since, at Jamaica; and, 
although we have not seen it among any of the published 
works of that distinguished writer, we believe the memoir was 
laid before the British government. Bryan Edwards was per- 
fectly aware of the importance of Costa Rica to the British 
nation, and of the practicability of forming the communication 
between the two seas in the manner we have suggested ; and 
he made use of the most cogent and eloquent reasoning, to 
induce his government to seize the Isthmus of Costa Rica by 
conquest in war, or to obtain it by negotiation in peace. We 
presume the British government have not lost sight of those 
representations, nor of other interesting communications on the 
same subject which have been made to them by several intel- 
ligent individuals who had resided in the bay of Honduras. 
The Isthmus of Costa Rica may hereafter become to the New, 
what the Isthmus of Suez was to the Old World, prior to the 
discovery of the route to Asia by the Cape of Good Hope. 

Should a canal be cut through Costa Rica, of sufficient di- 
mensions to admit the passage of the largest vessels, and ports 
of free commerce to all nations be established at the mouths 
of this canal on the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, there cannot 



N 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 351 

be a doubt that in less than a century this Isthmus would be- 
come the greatest commercial thoroughfare in the world. Let 
the reader cast his eye upon the map, and behold its important 
geographical position. Nearly central as respects the distance 
between Cape Horn and the north-west coast of America, — 
in the vicinity of the two great oceans, superseding the neces- 
sity of the circuitous and perilous navigation around Cape 
Horn, — it appeal's to be the favoured spot destined by nature 
to be the heart of the commerce of the world. 

The most ardent imagination would fail in an attempt to 
portray all the important and beneficial consequences which 
would result from the execution of this work, whose magni- 
tude and grandeur are worthy the profound attention of every 
commercial nation. It is indeed a subject so deeply and ge- 
nerally interesting, that the powerful nations of the Old and 
those of the New World should discard from its examination 
all selfish or ambitious considerations. Should the work be 
undertaken, let it be executed on a magnificent scale ; and, 
when completed, let it become, like the ocean, a highway of 
nations, the enjoyment of which shall be guarantied by them 
all, and which shall be exempt from the caprice or regulations 
of any one kingdom or state. This idea may at first view 
appear as extravagant as it is novel ; but we cannot perceive 
any thing in it that is not in unison with the liberal and enter- 
prising spirit of the present age; and we feel perfectly assured 
that if it receive the encouragement and support of the nations 
of the Old World, those who will hereafter govern in the New 
will not hesitate in the relinquishment of a few leagues of ter- 
ritory on the American continent, for the general benefit of 
mankind ; and more especially when America herself must • 
derive permanent and incalculable advantages from being the 
great channel of communication between the Oriental and 
Western World. 

Fourthly. Having thus attempted to elucidate the extraor- 
dinary and peculiar advantages which Costa Rica possesses 
for the establishment of a navigable intercourse between the 
two seas, we will now proceed to examine another position, 
which, although it is deficient in some of the natural advan- 



352 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

tages of Costa Rica, still possesses others of so important a 
character as to render it almost doubtful with us at which of 
the two places the desired communication ought first to be 
opened. Were we to consult the present and future interests 
of Mexico, and of the republic of the United States, we should 
say that the Mexican Isthmus, or, as it is more properly de- 
signated, the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, is the section of all 
others on the American continent, where the communication 
between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans should be made : but 
as we are desirous of seeing the blessings of commerce ex- 
tensively diffused for the benefit of the human race gene- 
rally, and not of any nation in particular, we should rejoice 
to see the communication between the two seas simultane- 
ously opened at every place where it is practicable, whether 
by land or water, or by the latter solely, p thereby exciting 
emulation, and widening the range of commercial enterprise. 
We do not advocate a system of commercial aggrandizement 
which seeks to raise itself by the oppression and ruin of other 
nations, nor a system of restrictions at variance with the 
laws of nature and the happiness of mankind. We wish to 
see the two great oceans of our globe brought nearer to each 
other by canals and high roads, at such places as the God of 
nature has evidently destined for channels of communication ; 
and that they should no longer remain dark and dreary deserts, 
such as they have been for ages, under the antisocial princi- 
ples of the Spanish government. 

The Isthmus of Tehuantepec is comprised in a tract of ter- 
ritory embracing the intendancy of Oaxaca and part of that of 
Vera Cruz. On the coast of the Pacific ocean, it extends from 
a place called Tonala, on the borders of Guatimala, to the pro- 
vince of La Puebla. On the Atlantic coast, or rather in the 
great bend of the Mexican Gulf, it extends from the bay of 
Alvarado to Yucatan, including the province of Tabasco. The 
greatest breadth of the Isthmus, within those limits, is about 
one hundred and twenty-five miles. The narrowest part is 
between the port of Guasacualco in the Gulf, and the bay of 
Tehuantepec on the Pacific ocean. The latitude of the former 
is about 18° 30', and of the latter about 16° 30'. From the 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 353 

summit of a mountain called Chillilo, or La Gineta, on a clear 
day, the Atlantic and Pacific oceans can be distinctly seen. 
We have conversed with many persons in the city of Oaxaca, 
who had visited the mountain for the sole purpose of enjoying 
this interesting spectacle ; and they speak in the most raptur- 
ous strains of the sublimity of the surrounding scenery, as well 
as of the beauty and grandeur which the view of the two 
oceans presents. A chain of mountains, which may be termed 
a continuation of the Andes, runs through the centre of this 
Isthmus, the elevation of which above the ocean varies from 
five or six thousand to three or four hundred feet. From 
some extraordinary convulsion of nature, vast chasms or ra- 
vines have been foraied among those mountains, which we 
shall hereafter speak of, as it is by means of those fissures that 
nature appears to point out to man the practicability of form- 
ing a water communication between the two seas. During the 
rainy season, these chasms contain a vast body of water, which 
seeks its discharge by rivers flowing into the Pacific and Atlan- 
tic oceans. The Indians of the Isthmus, particularly those of 
Tabasco and Tehuantepec, assert that they pass with their 
canoes entirely through the Isthmifs. We endeavoured, while 
at Oaxaca, to ascertain that fact; and we are convinced that 
when the waters are at their height during the rainy season, 
a canoe may pass, by the sinuosities of the ravines, from the 
river Guasacualco to the rivers Chimalapa and Tehuantepec. 
There is no part of the Mexican kingdom watered by such 
noble rivers as this Isthmus. We shall merely notice a few 
of the most considerable. Guaspala, Tustepec, Canas, and 
several others with whose names we are unacquainted, dis- 
charge their waters in the bay of Alvarado, a few leagues to 
the south-east of the city of Vera Cruz. The St. Pierre and 
Tabasco disembogue near each other on the coast of Tabasco. 
Those rivers have their sources in the mountains of Oaxaca, 
Vera Cruz, and Chiapa. They flow through a country as fer- 
tile as any in New Spain, abounding in forests of the most 
valuable timber ; and are navigable at all seasons for large 
boats, (bongos,) and during the floods have water sufficient 
for the largest vessels. On these rivers, at some future time, 
(45) 



354 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

steam navigation may be made to afford similar benefits to 
those it now yields on the Mississippi and Ohio. On the 
western side of the mountains, there are several important 
streams descending into the Pacific ocean. Chimalapa and 
Tehuantepec discharge into the bay bearing the name of the 
latter. The majestic river Guasacualco empties into the bay 
of the same name, in the Mexican Gulf. The sources of the 
three last named rivers are within five leagues of each other; 
but, as we have before mentioned, when the ravines of the 
mountains are filled with water, canoes may pass from the 
rivers Chimalapa and Tehuantepec to Guasacualco. We will 
not positively assert that a navigable canal may be formed, so 
as to unite the waters of these three rivers. We however 
believe it practicable. The point will be decided, when the 
Isthmus shall hereafter be properly surveyed. In the mean- 
time, we will examine the importance of the Isthmus, as a 
means of communication between the Atlantic and Pacific 
oceans, even should a canal never be formed. 

At the mouth of the river Guasacualco, is the most spacious 
and secure harbour of any on the Atlantic coast of Mexico. 
It is the only port in the Mexican Gulf, where vessels of war, 
and others of a large size, can enter; and is far superior 
either to Pensacola or Espiritu Santo. There are, at all sea- 
sons, on the bar at the mouth of the port, twenty-two feet 
water ; and it is said, that during the flood of the river, the 
bar occasionally shifts, and affords passages in five and six 
fathoms water. Some years ago, a Spanish ship of the line* 
called the Asia, crossed the bar of Guasacualco, and anchored 
in the port. We have heard of some ports to the northward 
of Vera Cruz, capable of admitting vessels of a large size ; 
of these, Matagorda has been stated to have twenty feet water 
on the bar at the mouth of the harbour: it is in latitude 28° 30', 
about half-way between the rivers Sabine and Del Norte. But 
from recent information which we have obtained from the 
officers of the United States* navy, who have been cruising in 
that vicinity, we are induced to believe that there is not a sin- 
gle safe port in the whole range of the coast in the Gulf, with 
die exception of Guasacualco. Vera Cruz is little more than 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 355 

an open roadstead; and during the northern gales, vessels are 
frequently driven ashore in that port. Ships of war, and other 
large vessels, are moored by cables made fast to rings in the 
walls of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, situated on a small 
island in the centre of the harbour ; but during heavy gales, 
they are even here exposed to the danger of foundering. 

The river Gaasacualco is navigable for vessels of the largest 
size, to within twelve leagues of the navigable waters of Chi- 
malapa and Tehuantepec. The latter river admits from the 
Pacific ocean vessels drawing twenty feet water. It was on 
this river the celebrated Cortez constructed ships, when he 
sent Pedro de Alvarado to conquer Guatimala. No doubt 
therefore exists, that the Isthmus of Tehuantepec can be en- 
tered on the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, by the rivers before 
mentioned, and that a good carriage road might be made, of 
from twelve to fourteen leagues, along the sides of the moun- 
tains, by which all species of merchandise could be transport- 
ed with ease, in a few hours, from the navigable waters of Chi- 
malapa and Tehuantepec, to those of Guasacualco. 

There is no part of New Spain where such a road could be 
made with so much facility ; and indeed, if on a topographical 
survey of the Isthmus, it shall be found practicable to cut a 
canal, there is no place where such an undertaking could be 
accomplished with such ease as in the province of Oaxaca. 

It is proper that we should here present the reader with a 
brief description of this intendancy, in order to give him some 
idea of its present and probable future importance. 

The intendancy of Oaxaca is bounded on the north and north- 
east by that of Vera Cruz, by the captaincy general of Guatima- 
la on the south-east, by the intendancy of La Puebla on the 
west and north-west, and by the Pacific ocean on the south. In 
its boundaries are comprehended a great part of the Isthmus of 
Tehuantepec, as before described. It is about one hundred and 
twenty-five leagues in length, from east to west, and its greatest 
breadth about ninety leagues. Notwithstanding the contracted 
limits of this province, and although not one-eighth of it is yet 
cultivated, it has a population, in proportion to its surface, far 
greater than any ether province in New Spain. According to a 



356 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

census taken in 1808, it contained six hundred thousand inhabi- 
tants. The number of cities, towns, and villages, exceeds eight 
hundred. We have visited several villages, containing six and 
seven thousand inhabitants. The city of Oaxaca (or Ante- 
quera) contains about thirty*eight thousand inhabitants; and, 
as we have observed in a former chapter, this city equals, if it 
does not surpass, the capital of the Mexican kingdom, in its 
beautiful streets and squares, as well as in the splendour of its 
edifices. Its salubrity is unequalled on the American conti- 
nent ; even its shores on the Pacific ocean appear exempted 
from the usual diseases which afflict the inhabitants of the At- 
lantic and South Sea coasts. 

The population oiTehuantepec, which is situated on the river, 
only six leagues from the ocean, and about the latitude of 16° 
30', are among the most active and healthy race of Indians we 
have ever seen. The Indian females of Tehuantepec may be 
properly called the Circassians of Southern America. Their 
piercing eyes give to their countenance an extraordinary ani- 
mation ; their long black hair is neatly plaited, and adorned 
with combs made of gold or tortoise shell ; while the celerity 
and grace of their movements strike a stranger with astonish- 
ment. They are very industrious, and manufacture nearly all 
their own clothing. They are remarkable for their cleanliness, 
and are fond of bathing. The Spanish government, during 
the present revolution, have looked upon these Indians with a 
jealous eye, in consequence of their known predilection to the 
insurgents. The propinquity of the town to the sea coast, and 
its being situated on a navigable river, are circumstances that 
give the government much uneasiness, because they are aware, 
that if a foreign enemy should land on the coast of Oaxaca, 
they would be received with open arms by the Indians of Te- 
huantepec, and indeed by the greater part of the population of 
the whole province, as we have suggested in a former part of 
this- volume. The intendancy of Oaxaca, therefore, not only at 
present possesses an immense population, but is of the highest 
importance for its valuable productions. It is the region of 
New Spain that appears the most favourable for the produc- 
tion of the important article of cochineal. In no other part of 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 357 

Mexico does the Nopal (on which tree the cochineal insect 
subsists) nourish so well. Its propagation has been unsuc- 
cessfully attempted in various other provinces ; but not only- 
do the climate and soil appear peculiarly adapted to this plant 
in Oaxaca, but the Indians have, by a long course of habit, 
acquired so much experience in the manner of cultivating the 
Nopal, and collecting the insects, as to preclude all rivalship 
in any of the other provinces. In some years there have been 
produced in Oaxaca, four hundred thousand pounds weight of 
cochineal : — this is worth, in Europe, even during peace, about 
one million six hundred thousand dollars. During war, it has 
frequently sold in England at twenty-five shillings sterling a 
pound. The poor Indian who collects this precious commodity, 
barters it for dry goods to the Spanish storekeepers in the villa- 
ges. The extortion of these men, together with the exactions of 
the government and priesthood, leave to the Indian a miserable 
return for his care and industry ; but we have no doubt that if 
these unjust and unnatural restrictions on the labour of the 
natives were removed, the intendancy of Oaxaca would in a 
very few years produce above a million of pounds of cochineal 
per annum. 

The mountains of this intendancy, particularly those of the 
Misteca, are likewise peculiarly adapted to the growth of the 
mulberry tree. Many years ago, the experiment was made, 
and it succeeded so well that it awakened the jealousy of the 
European Spaniards, and they created so many obstacles to 
the manufacturing of silk in Oaxaca, that the Indians became 
exasperated, and in one night destroyed every mulberry tree 
in the intendancy; since which time, no attempts have been 
made to renew its culture. 

The indigo, in the district of Tehuantepec, is superior in 
quality to that of Guatimala ; but as there are no ports open 
to foreign commerce along the coast of the Pacific ocean, in 
the vicinity of Tehuantepec, nor indeed on any part of the 
coast of Oaxaca, the inhabitants have not been stimulated ei- 
ther to the culture of that, of the cotton plant, or of the sugar 
cane, except so far as is absolutely necessary to supply their 
own immediate consumption, 



358 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

In all the mountainous districts of Oaxaca, and more espe- 
cially in the spacious vallies which are situated from twenty- 
five hundred to six thousand feet above the level of the sea, 
we find a soil and climate at least equal, if not superior to any 
on the globe. There is not a single article raised in the tem- 
perate zone that would not here find a congenial region. 
Wheat, and all kinds of grain, yield a return to the cultivator 
equal to that of the most fertile parts of Europe. The fruits 
and vegetables of Oaxaca are unrivalled for luxuriance and 
delicacy. Peaches, pears, apricots, and strawberries, are here 
to be found of a size and flavour superior to those of the south 
of France ; and the variety and excellence of the grape point 
out the vallies of Oaxaca as the great future vineyards of New 
Spain. Asparagus, artichokes, turnips, cabbages, and all the 
various productions of horticulture, grow to a size and per- 
fection we have never beheld elsewhere. 

To all these important natural advantages of this favoured 
country, must be added that of its mineral productions. Some 
of the most valuable gold mines of New Spain are in this pro- 
vince; but they have not yet been extensively worked, inas- 
much as the attention of the directors of the mining establish- 
ments in Mexico has been principally directed to the mines of 
Guanaxuato and of other provinces, silver mines being con- 
sidered more profitable than those of gold. The Indians of 
the upper and lower Misteca, as well as those of the district of 
Tehuantepec, collect grains of gold in the beds of the rivulets 
that flow through the mountains, and larger masses of gold 
have been found in Oaxaca than in any other part of New 
Spain. Indications of silver ore are likewise discoverable in 
all the mountainous districts, but as yet scarcely any atten- 
tion has been paid to them. In fact, there cannot be a doubt 
that this province abounds in all the precious minerals ; and 
when the use of machinery shall be introduced, and the re- 
strictions on human industry and enterprise be removed, this 
province will yield as much gold and silver as any other in 
America. It is worthy of remark, likewise, that copper and 
iron ore have been found in different parts of Oaxaca. In the 
village of 7~anhiutlan, there is a large piece of metal, which 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 359 

the blacksmiths of the place use as an anvil. It was found on 
the summit of a hill near the village. It is of an extraordinary- 
weight for its dimensions. Various attempts have been made 
to fuse it, but it has resisted the most intense heat.* 

From the preceding outline of the great resources of this 
province, including its dense population, it will be evident to 
the reader, that to make a carriage road of fourteen, or even 
(should it be necessary) of twenty leagues, over the Isthmus 
of Tehuantepec, so as to form a rapid communication from 
the navigable waters of the Chimalapa and Tehuantepec to the 
Guasacualco, or to cut a canal through such parts of the Isth- 
mus as an accurate survey shall show to be fittest for the pur- 
pose, are operations which could be performed with the great- 
est facility by the inhabitants of Oaxaca. 

The idea of such an undertaking has long been familiar to 
several enlightened men of Oaxaca. So early as the year 1 745, 
a memorial was presented to the viceroy of Mexico, signed by 
several distinguished Creoles, praying him to represent to the 
court of Spain the immense benefits that would arise to the 
kingdom, from making Guasacualco a port of entry, and the 
great depot of commerce, instead of the port and city of Vera 
Cruz. A copy of this interesting document was put into our 
hands, while in the city of Oaxaca, in the year 1816, and we 
were forcibly struck with the importance of the facts noticed 
therein. It displays an intelligence, a foresight, and a spirit of 
liberality, such as could scarcely have been expected, in those 
days, from men reared amidst that political and commercial 
darkness in which Spain enveloped her dominions. After 
giving a topographical description of the Isthmus of Tehuan- 
tepec, and expatiating on the fertility and beauty of the coun- 

* We feel great hesitation in adding, that this mass of metal is platina, 
although it is so named in some manuscript notes upon the intendancy of 
Oaxaca, at present in our possession, by Teran and Bustamante, names with 
which our readers are familiar. Beside their being men of general informa- 
tion, it may not be improper to add, that Bustamante was at one time con- 
nected with the School of Mines in Mexico. We at least learn, from their 
so terming it, that it is a very general belief that the mass is platina. The 
mineralogist will, of course, immediately pronounce it to be impossible,— 
and we are content. 



360 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

try, the memorialists explicitly declare that a canal can be cut, 
so as to unite the waters of the rivers before mentioned ; and 
they likewise state, that should political reasons prevent the 
formation of the proposed canal, at all events a great road 
might be made across the ridge, by means of which property 
could be transported in carriages at a moderate expense. The 
memorialists then proceed to unfold the great advantages that 
would result to the kingdom of Mexico, by opening a traffic 
between Manilla and the coast of Oaxaca, instead of the trade 
being restricted (as it still is) to the port of Acapulco. The 
superior advantages of the port and harbour of Guasacualco 
over that of Vera Cruz, and the number of valuable ports on 
the coast of Oaxaca, are then noticed ; and of the latter they 
particularly mention Tehuantepec, San Diego, Santa Cruz de 
Guatitlco, Cacalutla, Sa?i Augustin, Puerto de los Angeles, Es- 
condido, (hidden port,) and the ensanada or bay of Mazuntla. 
The port of Escondido has a narrow but excellent entrance, 
which is only discovered upon a very near approach to the 
coast; but it is as spacious as Acapulco, and would afford 
perfectly secure moorings for hundreds of vessels. It could 
easily be fortified so as to render it impregnable to external 
attacks. The port of Santa Cruz de Guatulco is likewise equal 
to any on the Pacific shore, and is situated only thirty-five 
leagues south of the city of Oaxaca. 

The whole of the memoir alluded to is full of interesting 
information and luminous arguments, and would have excited 
the profound attention of any other government than that of 
Spain. The merchants of Vera Cruz no sooner heard of the 
memorial, than they adopted every possible measure to pre- 
vent its even reaching Madrid ; but nevertheless it was trans- 
mitted to the court. The Cadiz monopolists, and the Philip- 
pine company, viewed with great alarm a project that threat- 
ened to divert the trade out of its ordinary channels. The 
mercantile establishments they had already fixed at Acapulco 
and Vera Cruz, and the expensive edifices they had erected at 
those places, would become valueless in proportion as this 
should be effected. These parties, therefore, and their agents 
in Vera Cruz and Acapulco, put in action every engine of in- 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 361 

trigue, in order to defeat the wishes of the Oaxaca memorial- 
ists. The memorial was placed among the secret royal ar- 
chives at Madrid, that is, it was laid on the shelf of oblivion; 
and the only notice that was ever bestowed on it was by an 
order from the court, prohibiting the parties from ever again 
reviving the subject, under pain of the royal displeasure ; and 
severely reprimanding, or stigmatizing, the Oaxaca memo- 
rialists, as audacious innovators of the established regulations 
and commerce of the kingdom. 

The only viceroys who have displayed liberal sentiments, 
or shown the least regard for the internal improvement of 
New Spain, and the establishment on liberal principles of the 
internal and external commerce of the country, were the count 
of Revillagigedo and Don Jose Iturrigaray. Both of those 
viceroys were men of enlarged minds, who viewed with dis- 
gust the unnatural and impolitic regulations imposed by Spain 
upon her colonies. During their administration, they made 
some important improvements in Mexico. The formation of 
a canal to unite the waters of Guasacualco with those of Chi- 
malapa and Tehuantepec, was a favourite project with both ; 
and convinced of its practicability, they made urgent repre- 
sentations to the court of Madrid, to induce it to sanction the 
undertaking. Their applications were of no avail, and in the 
end, they both incurred the displeasure of the cabinet of Ma- 
drid. The character and fate of the noble-minded Iturrigaray 
•have been noticed in our first chapter of the Memoirs of the 
Revolution. 

Having shown the practicability and facility of opening a 
communication, either by a navigable canal or by a land and 
water conveyance, at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, between 
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, we will now proceed to draw 
an outline of the great advantages to the commercial world in 
general, and particularly to the inhabitants of Mexico, Guate- 
mala, and the United States, that will flow from such a com* 
munication. It is necessary to remark, that the following ob- 
servations are founded upon our conviction that New Spain 
will become independent on European control. At what pe* 
riod this great event will be accomplished, we will not venture 
(46) 



362 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

to predict ; but we may express a belief that it will take place 
in a very few years. 

In viewing the map of the American continent, we perceive 
that the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and the Isthmus of Costa 
Rica are the two great points at which to concentrate the com- 
merce of the New World, and to facilitate the intercourse be- 
tween it and the Old World. It is immaterial at which of 
those two points the communication be first opened; it matters 
not which of them will become the more important. If both 
communications be simultaneously opened, we conceive there 
will be no want of commerce to render the districts through 
which they will pass flourishing in the highest degree. 

• The Isthmus of Costa Rica will be the proper and natural 
route for part of the commerce of Guatimala, Peru, and Chili. 
The Isthmus of Tehuantepec will be the route for the com- 
merce of the vast range of coast on the Pacific ocean, stretch- 
ing from Guatimala to the north-west extremities of the Ame- 
rican continent. The advantages which this last named Isth- 
mus enjoys, by being in the heart of a thickly settled, rich, 
and healthy country, have been already described; and its 
proximity to the United States renders it, in our estimation, 
the most important spot at which to perfect the first commu- 
nication between the two oceans. 

Tehuantepec on the Pacific ocean, and Guasacualco on the 
Atlantic, ought to be declared free ports for the commerce of 
all nations. Property passing by this route should pay only 
a toll or trifling duty, for the purpose of keeping the canal or 
the road in a constant state of good order. We have stated 
that large vessels can enter the rivers Tehuantepec and Gua- 
sacualco, and ascend the same to within about fourteen leagues 
of each other. We have shown that a good carriage road 
could be promptly made, so as to transport property of every 
kind to and from the respective rivers. Making, therefore, 
large allowances for unexpected obstacles, we think that by 
this route cargoes of all kinds of merchandise could be trans- 
ported from one ocean to the other, in less than six days. 
The productions of Guatimala, of Oaxaca, of La Puebla, of 
Mexico, of Valladolid, and of Guadalaxara, instead of being 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 363 

conveyed, as they are at present, an immense distance by land 
to Vera Cruz, would be carried to the ports of those provinces 
on the Pacific coast, and embarked for Tehuantepec, thence 
pass over to Guasacualco, and from the latter be embarked for 
Europe, the United States, or elsewhere. The future pro- 
ducts of the gr.eat province of Sinaloa, of Old and New Cali- 
fornia, and of all the north-west regions of America, could be 
brought to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The fabrics of 
Europe and of the United States could be carried to Guasa- 
cualco, passed over to Tehuantepec, and thence be circulated 
through the vast regions we have just mentioned. The pro- 
ducts of China and of the East Indies would likewise be 
brought to this Isthmus, dispersed over Guatimala, Oaxaca, 
and all the eastern sections of the Mexican empire adjacent 
to the Gulf of Mexico, and be carried with rapidity to the 
river Mississippi, to Florida, and indeed to all parts of the 
United States, and to Europe. 

The intercourse between the United States and its territory 
on the north-west coast of America, would be carried on with 
safety and rapidity by the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, instead 
of by the present tedious and perilous route around Cape 
Horn : and steam navigation might be introduced in the Pacific 
ocean, so as to effect an entire revolution in the present com- 
merce of the whole Southern Sea. It is not only along the 
vast coast of the Pacific ocean, from Valparaiso to Columbia 
river, that steam vessels could be used, so as to triumph over 
the obstacles which have hitherto impeded the navigation of 
those seas, but we perceive no difficulty to the traversing of 
the whole Southern ocean in steam vessels. The voyage 
from Manilla to Acapulco has frequently been made, by dull- 
sailing Spanish ships, in seventy-jive days. At certain seasons 
of the year, it has been performed by vessels whose top-gallant 
sails were not once taken in during the voyage. Violent 
storms are seldom experienced in the Pacific ocean, excepting 
in the vicinity of Cape Horn and in the high latitudes to the 
north-west. Such a vessel as the steam-ship Fulton could 
perform a voyage between Oaxaca and China, with infinitely 
less sea risk than attends the voyages she is now performing 



364 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

between New York, Havana, and New Orleans. A steant 
vessel could perform the voyage from Tehuantepec to China, 
in from fifty to sixty days; and indeed, were we to calculate 
on the favourable winds at certain seasons of the year, united 
to the power of steam, it can be proved that it is practicable 
to perform the voyage between Oaxaca and Canton in less than 
fifty days. We forbear dilating on the importance of this in- 
valuable art to the commerce of the Southern ocean, lest some 
of our readers should deem our sketch an enthusiastic flight 
of fancy : but to those who are conversant with steam navi- 
gation, who are acquainted with the wonders it has already 
performed in the internal navigation of our country, who have 
examined the structure of the steam-ship Fulton, and who 
have marked the improvements that are yearly adding strength 
to the power of steam, our expectations will not appear too 
sanguine. 

From the river Mississippi, a steam vessel could with ease 
perform a voyage to the port of Guasacualco in six days. 
Allowing seven days for the transportation of property across 
the Isthmus, and fifty for the voyage to China, it will be seen 
that by steam navigation a voyage could be performed from 
the United States to China in sixty-three days. This will be 
more clearly evinced, by the actual computation of the dis- 
tances ; — ' 

Statute miles. 
The ordinary route from Philadelphia to Canton, - - 16,150 
By steam boat navigation and conveyance through the Isthmus 
of Oaxaca, from and to the same places: — 

From Philadelphia to Guasacualco, - - 2,100 
Passage over to Tehuantepec, by land and water, 120 
From Tehuantepec, by the islands lying nearly in 
the direct course, to Canton, — 

To the Sandwich islands, ... 3,835 
Ladrone do. .... 3,900 

Canton, - - 2,080 

■ 9,815 

12,035 

Actual distance saved, - - - - - - 4,115 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 365 

Statute miles. 
From Philadelphia to Columbia river, by the usual route of 

Cape Horn, 18,261 

From the same to the same, by the proposed route; — 

To Guasacualco, and overland, ... - 2,220 

From Tehuantepec to the Columbia, - - - 2,760 

4,980 



Actual distance saved, ----- 13,281 

{The preceding calculations -were furnished by Mr. Melish.~\ 

We calculate, likewise, that steam vessels could perform the 
voyage from Columbia river to Tehuantepec, in from eighteen 
to twenty-four days, more especially by taking advantage of 
the proper seasons. Along the whole range of the Mexican 
and Californian coasts, there are safe and convenient harbours, 
which would afford refreshments, and shelter from storms. 
It is true that this immense extent of territory is at present 
thinly settled, and that the wretched inhabitants, by the bar- 
barous policy of the Spanish government, have been excluded 
from all intercourse with the civilized world. The whole of 
the country adjacent to the Pacific ocean, with its noble rivers 
and fertile soil, is nearly in the same state as at the period of 
its discovery by the Spaniards. The only ports on the Mexi- 
can coast that have been permitted to enjoy any trade, are 
San Bias and Acapulco ; but even this trade was so complete 
a monopoly, and encumbered by so many restrictions, that it 
scarcely deserved the name of commerce, and was of compa- 
ratively little utility to the inhabitants in general. The west- 
ern sections of Mexico have been supplied almost exclusively 
with articles carried by land from Vera Cruz. The impost 
charges at that place, the enormous expense of land carriage 
over such a vast extent of territory, and the numberless exac- 
tions on the route, increased the price of foreign merchandise 
to four or five times its original cost; whereas, had the articles 
been landed at Guasacualco, conveyed across the Isthmus, 
and thence transported by water to the fine bays and rivers 
along the coast, the expense would have been trifling, and the 
route performed in one-third of the time that was occupied in 
transporting them by land. 



366 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

"When those restrictions shall be removed under which the 
Mexican people have so long suffered, that is, when their 
country shall no longer be subject to the control of Spain, — 
when human industry shall be allowed the scope which reason 
and nature dictate, — and when the inhabitants of Mexico shall 
be permitted to enjoy an unshackled traffic with all nations, 
how extraordinary will be the change in their condition ! Not 
only will the beautiful intendancies of Guadalaxara, Vallado- 
lid, La Puebla, Mexico, Oaxaca, and Vera Cruz, become the 
regions of comfort and opulence, but all the internal provinces, 
and even Old and New California, will soon become flourish- 
ing and populous countries. Let the reader cast his eye upon 
the map, and behold the position of the great provinces of 
Sonora, Sinaloa, and Biscay, adjacent to the Gulf of California; 
let him trace the route of the river Colorado, from its source 
to its discharge in the Californian Gulf; and view the noble 
rivers of Tinpanogos, Buenaventura, and Felipe, discharging 
their waters on the coast of New California; let him then 
anticipate the future importance of this country, when a go- 
vernment made by and for the people shall there be establish- 
ed. The country through which those rivers flow, and the 
coasts of both the Californias, have remained a desert, not 
because the soil and climate are, as some writers have repre- 
sented, unfavourable to the residence of man, but because the 
Spanish government had studiously barred the door to their 
settlement and improvement. 

We have perused some interesting manuscripts respecting 
the Californias, and the provinces of Sinaloa and Sonora; one 
in particular, written by Padre Garcia, who travelled from the 
mouth of the Colorado to its source, a distance of more than 
six hundred miles. We have read others, written by the friars 
who resided at the different missionary establishments on the 
coast of California. They represent a very small part of the 
peninsula of Old California as being a rocky and steril coun- 
try: but all New California, nearly up to the Columbia river, 
and all the interior of the province of Sonora, they extol for 
its fertility of soil and purity of climate. 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 367 

It may not be amiss here to remark, thattibout eight years 
since, we met with a Russian gentleman, who had visited 
Monterey, on the coast of California, and who was in posses- 
sion of a great stock of valuable information respecting those 
countries. He spoke in the most favourable terms of the cli- 
mate, and represented the soil to be excellent. We have little 
doubt but that the journal of this Russian was laid before his 
government; and it may have given rise to those projects of the 
Russian cabinet which have been recently spoken of. It has 
been rumoured, that a secret treaty was actually entered into 
between Ferdinand VII. and the emperor of Russia, by which 
the former transferred to the latter a considerable part of New 
California; but, owing to the remonstrances of the government 
of Great Britain, upon receiving information of such treaty, 
the court of Madrid have never openly avowed it, nor carried 
it into effect. Whatever credence may be given to this report, 
we know that the Russians, in pursuance of their system of 
advancing their power wherever a foothold can be gained^ 
have planted their banners on sevei-al parts of the American 
continent. Their settlements commence at the island of Kodia, 
in 57i° north latitude, and 152^° west longitude. They occu- 
py an important position in Norfolk Sound, in 57° north lat- 
itude, and 135° west longitude, where they have a strong fort, 
mounting upwards of one hundred pieces of heavy cannon ; 
and in the year 1813, they had descended as far south as 38j° 
north latitude, and settled at Badoga, distant about thirty 
miles from the northernmost Spanish settlement in California. 
Let the Russian imperial flag be planted on the American 
continent by force or by negotiation, it will be better for man- 
kind than that the country should remain a desert under the 
dominion of Spain. Whether Russians, citizens of the United 
States, or Mexicans, shall predominate among the settlers 
along the north-west coast of America, is a point that can only 
be determined by time; but in proportion as the whole coast 
shall become thickly settled, will the importance of the Isth- 
mus of Tehuantepec be augmented, because it must eventuallv 
be the great channel of communication between Europe, the 
United States, and the north-west coast of America. 



3G8 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

The fine rivers we have before mentioned have their sources 
on the confines, and some of them within the limits, of the 
United States. The whole of the region lying west of the 
Rocky Mountains, or Northern Andes, abounds in excellent 
streams, which discharge themselves into the Pacific, along 
the coast, or in the Gulf, of California ; and consequently, in 
proportion as the interior of that vast country shall become 
settled, so will its intercourse with the civilized world, by 
the route of Tehuantepec, gradually become more important. 
In fact, it is impossible for the imagination to form any 
proper conception of the magnitude of the commerce that will 
pass through the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, when Mexico and 
South America shall enjoy the blessings of liberal govern- 
ments. 

The Mexican dominions alone are capable of yielding sub- 
sistence and comfort to more than treble the present popu- 
lation of all Spanish America. The rapid progress of the 
United States may serve as an example of the growth of popu- 
lation in new countries blessed by liberal governments. The 
calculations of Franklin and Jefferson have been fully realized. 
We more than double our population every twenty-two years; 
an increase which, regulated by the laws of population, will 
continue until the surface of our territory shall become as ge- 
nerally cultivated, and as thickly inhabited, as that of Europe 
and Asia. Give to Mexico the advantages of a good govern- 
ment, open her ports to the commerce of the globe, encourage 
emigration from all parts of the world, and, in fine, let her 
pursue the course marked out for her by reason and nature, 
and she Avill soon become as flourishing as any part of the New 
World. We have before remarked the great physical advan- 
tages possessed by Mexico, as respects the climate and soil; 
and we do not believe that there is any part of our globe capa- 
ble of sustaining a greater population upon the same space of 
territory. We therefore do not doubt, that from the day that 
Mexico takes her rank among the nations of the earth as an 
independent power, governed by wise and liberal institutions, 
she will continue to double her numbers every twenty-two 
years, until the whole of her vast regions be covered with 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. S69 

inhabitants. Let us calculate her probable population, a cen- 
tury hence. Fixing on the year 1825, as the epoch of the 
commencement of her independence, and supposing her popu- 
lation at that time to be - 7,000,000 
In 1847, it will be 14,000,000 
1869, 28,000,000 
1891, 56,000,000 
1913, 112,000,000 
We are aware that such calculations would have been deemed 
visionary, thirty or forty years ago ; and that even at present 
their accuracy may be doubted by many of our readers : but 
in the minds of those who have noted the increase of popu- 
lation in our own country, and have reflected on the happy 
and important influence of liberal civil institutions, we feel 
assured our estimations will not excite surprise nor incredulity. 
Several enlightened writers of the present day, and, among 
others, the Abbe de Pradt, admit the correctness of this rate 
of increase. 

Every successive census of the United States displays an 
increase greater than the calculation alluded to. If, then, by 
this ratio, our country, a century hence, shall contain one hun- 
dred and forty millions, and Mexico one hundred and twelve 
millions, of persons, how deeply important will the Isthmus 
of Tehuantepec become to those two nations ! To Mexico, 
in particular, this Isthmus is the great bridge that unites her 
northern and southern with her eastern and western sections. 
To the United States, it is not only of high importance as 
respects the possessions of the republic on the north-west coast, 
and the great share of the carrying trade that will be secured 
to our citizens by their enterprise and the superior advantages 
derived from their proximity to the Mexican Gulf, but because 
the maritime superiority of the New World appears destined 
to remain with the United States. The vast extent of our 
coast from Passamaquoddy to the river Sabine, the immense 
internal navigation of our great rivers, and our fisheries, will 
ere long employ a greater number of individuals than are en- 
gaged in the pursuits of navigation in all Europe. In the 
event of the United States being engaged in any future war, 
(47) 



370 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

that is popular, (and in no other do we hope they will ever be 
engaged) there can be procured a sufficient number of seamen, 
from the great sources just mentioned, to man a fleet equal to 
that of any nation in Europe. We therefore will not only be 
capable of protecting our future commerce along our coasts, 
but also of extending that protection to whatever place our 
enterprise and interests may carry our flag. At a distant pe- 
riod, it is not improbable that some of the great states in South 
America may possess a respectable marine, but none that will 
ever vie in strength with the navies of the United States. 
Mexico can never become a great maritime power. Although 
her rivers are numerous, and several of them flow through an 
immense extent of territory, yet, from the great elevation of 
more than four-fifths of the country, these rivers are not navi- 
gable, except for boats of small burthen, to any great distance 
from the ocean, and consequently the internal navigation will 
never employ a considerable number of people. On the coast 
of the Pacific ocean, Mexico has some excellent harbours, and 
it is possible that at some future period she may have a naval 
force of some importance in those seas. But along the coast 
in the Mexican Gulf, the port of Guasacualco is the only one 
suitable for naval arsenals, or that would afford security to 
vessels of war. We have before noticed the objections to the 
port of Vera Cruz ; and all the others, from Alvarado to the 
Sabine, are difficult of entrance, and obstructed by bars. The 
whole coast of Yucatan is likewise without a single port capa- 
ble of admitting large vessels. It is therefore obvious, from 
these important obstacles, that Mexico can never become a 
maritime rival of the United States in the Mexican Gulf; but, 
on the contrary, the whole of her future commerce therein 
must be under the protection and control of the latter ; and 
consequently, it must always be of deep importance to Mexi- 
co, to cultivate the amity of, and to seek a political alliance 
with, the United States. The expediency of this friendly and 
political bond will be further evident, on viewing the map of 
the two countries. In examining the delineation of the widest 
part of the continent, from Monterey, on the coast of New 
California, to the town of St. Louis, at the confluence of the 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 371 

Mississippi and Missouri, a distance of about eighteen hun- 
dred miles in a direct line, we are struck with admiration at 
the peculiar manner in which nature has provided, by means of 
water communications in every direction, for the intercourse 
of the future inhabitants of those vast regions. 

Our topographical knowledge of that section of America is 
yet imperfect; but we know sufficient to enable us to form 
some idea of the great advantages that must be reciprocally 
enjoyed by the inhabitants of Mexico and the United States, 
when an unrestrained intercourse shall be permitted between 
them, and when the productions of industry shall be inter- 
changed, through the medium of internal navigation, between 
the two nations. The important river Del Norte has its 
sources in New Mexico, not far distant from the heads of the 
rivers which flow to the Pacific ocean ; and empties into the 
Mexican Gulf, about 25° 'SO' north latitude. Descending 
through a mountainous country, it is in many places extremely 
rapid, and hence it is usually called El -Rio Bravo; but it is 
nevertheless navigable for boats from its mouth nearly to its 
source. The Red River, and the Arkansa, have their heads 
near the source of Del Norte. In the course of these rivers 
to the Mississippi, they receive the tribute of innumerable 
smaller streams. The Kanzas, and the Platte, which empty 
into the Missouri, have their origin in the same mountains 
that give birth to Del Norte. Throughout the whole of this 
country, whether among its lofty mountains or extensive prai- 
ries, the traveller can scarcely proceed five leagues, without 
meeting a stream capable of boat navigation. The navigation 
of the Mexican rivers, for the reasons we have before assign- 
ed, will never employ large vessels : they will, however, greatly 
facilitate the intercourse between the respective interior pro- 
vinces. But the great rivers that discharge themselves into 
the Missouri and Mississippi, some of which we have named, 
are destined to afford employment to many hundred thousands 
of persons, in vessels of all sizes. 

When we reflect that the great country we have thus briefly 
glanced at, is throughout its whole extent susceptible of high 



372 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

cultivation, the greater part of it enjoying a climate equal to 
any on earth, it is not within the reach of the most ardent fancy- 
to draw a sketch of its future importance ; nor can we form an 
estimate, with strict accuracy, of the millions of human beings 
which at some future day are to find subsistence and comfort 
in those regions. The population of the United States is ra- 
pidly rolling towards the Mexican settlements. Already have 
the banks of the Red River, the Arkansa, and the Missouri, 
become the residence of American citizens. The arts, the 
sciences, and, if we may use the expression, the blessings of 
rational liberty, are spreading in that direction. Territorial 
limits present but feeble barriers against the diffusion of light 
and knowledge. Their progress cannot be impeded by edicts 
of the present or of any future government in Mexico. The 
Mexican on one bank of a river, living in wretchedness and 
smarting under oppression, cannot long remain blind and in- 
sensible to the advantages and happiness of the citizens of the 
United States on the opposite bank. 

From this brief outline of the topography of Mexico and the 
adjoining territory of the United States, some faint idea may 
be formed of the vast internal commerce that is to take place 
between the two nations, as population shall increase, and re- 
strictions upon their intercourse be removed. How many arti- 
cles will be raised from the soil of the two countries, that are 
at present scarcely thought of!- How many manufactories 
will be established, in regions calculated to produce all the 
raw materials for the mechanic and artist ! Is it because the 
two countries may cultivate the same products, and establish 
the same kind of manufactories, that some writers have broach- 
ed the opinion that the future commerce between the United 
States and Mexico will be unimportant ? Might they not as 
well argue, that because wheat is raised in Kentucky, it is in- 
jurious to the culture of that article in Pennsylvania? or that 
because certain manufactories are established at Pittsburg, 
they are rivals to those of the same class at Boston ? Do we 
not see, that in proportion as population spreads over a coun- 
try, the consumption of the products of the soil is augmented? 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 373 

and that human industry receives a new stimulus from a thou- 
sand artificial wants that are created in society as they increase 
in numbers and opulence ? 

Is it possible, that in the nineteenth century, we have heard 
the ambassador of a civilized nation stating in a formal diplo- 
matic communication to the government of the United States, 
that they ought to oppose the extension of the blessings of 
freedom and commerce to Mexico, because wheat, and other 
staples of the United States could be raised with greater faci- 
lity in that country, and because its superior climate would 
invite the emigration of our citizens, and thereby diminish 
our strength ? These were the sentiments, openly and official- 
ly avowed, of the Chevalier Onis. He did not scruple to re- 
commend these abominable and antisocial principles to the 
serious consideration of our cabinet ; and, what is still more 
extraordinary and disgraceful, the same doctrine has found 
abettors in some American writers, who have endeavoured to 
prove that the independence of Mexico would be injurious to 
the commercial interests of the United States. 

We humbly conceive that the sketch we have given of the 
advantages which our country will derive from Mexico's be- 
ing under a liberal government, is a mode of refutation to the 
principles advanced by the Chevalier Onis and his partisans, 
as unanswerable as it must be grateful to every American citi- 
zen, who feels, as we do, the absurdity and iniquity of sacri- 
ficing the happiness of millions of the human race, at the 
shrine of political ambition and mercantile calculation. We 
conceive that the independence of Mexico will be an event 
next in importance, to the whole civilized world, to that of the 
declaration of the independence of the United States, on the 
4th of July, 1776; and to promote such an event, by every 
fair and honourable means, is in unison with the wishes and 
interests of all classes of our fellow-citizens. 

It is possible that Spain may, for a few years longer, endea- 
vour to preserve her tottering sovereignty over Mexico, but 
even admitting that her sway should continue longer than we 
anticipate, it will be of little or no use to her, because her mo- 
ral as well as physical supremacy is no longer felt, nor can 



374 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

ever again be exercised over her former subjects in that king- 
dom. She can no more expect to find obedience and respect 
among the Mexican Creoles and Indians, than she can com- 
pel the waves of the ocean to subside, when agitated by the 
winds ; but even admitting that it is still possible for Spain to 
resubjugate the Mexicans, may we not ask how is she to pre- 
serve her empire there, in the event of a war with Great Bri- 
tain, the United States, or any other maritime nation ? Have 
we not proved that on the fidelity of her American subjects 
she can no longer place any reliance, even for a moment ? 
Where are her fleets to protect her commerce with Mexico, 
or to prevent its being invaded by an enemy in every direc- 
tion, as well on the Atlantic as on the Pacific coast ? If, then, 
during peace with all nations, Spain finds it difficult to pre- 
serve Mexico, and to repress the revolutionary spirit of the 
people ; — if, during war, she is exposed to have Mexico torn 
from her by conquest, where is the policy of exhausting the 
blood and treasure of the inhabitants of Spain, to maintain a 
sovereignty over an empire liable every instant to break from 
her grasp ? If these observations are applicable to the rela- 
tive situation of Spain with Mexico, and indeed with all her 
possessions on the American continent, do they not apply with 
still greater force to the islands of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the 
Philippines ? Will the most prejudiced Spaniard undertake to 
say, that those great islands can be held by a nation without 
a maritime force ? Of what use are their vast fortifications and 
garrisons, against a rigorous blockade ? Let us examine the 
present state of the important island of Cuba, in order to de- 
monstrate the precarious tenure of Spanish sovereignty in that 
island. 

The port of Havana has been very justly called the greatest 
maritime key in the West Indies, inasmuch as its position 
gives it a control not only of the immense commerce at pre- 
sent existing, but of all the indefinite future trade of the vast 
countries lying between the Isthmus of Panama and Florida ; 
for, by the laws of nature, the whole of such trade must pass 
from those regions by the route between the Cuba and Florida 
shores. Fast-sailing vessels, it is true, may occasionally beat 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 375 

up from Jamaica and from the Isthmus of Panama, so as to 
pass between Cuba and St. Domingo, but rapid currents, and 
the trade winds, will compel the great body of commerce to 
be carried on by the passage through the Gulf; it is therefore 
undeniable, that Havana is a key of the highest maritime con- 
sequence in the Western World ; a key that can lock and un- 
lock at pleasure the commerce alluded to, and more especially 
that of Mexico. Indeed it is not saying too much to assert, 
that the political and commercial destinies of the Mexican em- 
pire must be very materially influenced by the conduct of that 
power which holds the port of Havana. How long the island 
of Cuba will continue under Spanish banners, whether it will 
be seized by Great Britain by force, or be obtained by her 
through negotiation, or whether the people of Cuba will de- 
clare their independence, are all-important questions to the 
civilized world, and to the United States deeply interesting. 

Within a few years past, the British Journals have teemed 
with essays, tending to prove, not merely the great commer- 
cial benefits that will arise to Great Britain from possessing 
Cuba, but also that its possession is absolutely necessary, as 
well for the security of the British West India commerce, as 
to repress the growing power of the United States. However 
extravagant many of the opinions contained in those essays 
may be, and however marked with illiberal and hostile fea- 
tures towards the United States, yet they are so flattering to 
the domineering spirit of the British nation, that we should not 
be surprised to see them realized by the British cabinet, on 
the first opportune occasion. 

Should Great Britain get possession of the island of Cuba, 
it would no doubt be in her power to retain it for a long time ; 
and by the establishment of extensive arsenals at the port of 
Havana, she would likewise be able to keep there an immense 
fleet; so that, in the event of a war with the United States, 
the vast commerce of the river Mississippi, and that of all the 
Mexican Gulf, would be seriously annoyed, and perhaps en- 
tirely suspended. All this we admit ; but nevertheless we do 
not hesitate to predict, that in less than half a century hence, 
when the United States will have a population exceeding/br/y 



376 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEASf. 

millions, and a naval force, such as the extent of their mari* 
time resources will then enable them to maintain, the island of 
Cuba, as well as all the Antilles, and the commerce of the 
Mexican Gulf, will be under the control of the republic. This 
idea does not spring from any ill will towards other nations, 
but is merely a hint to the governments of the Old World, 
that their establishments in the New are limited to a short du- 
ration, and that every new attempt, whether on the part of 
Great Britain or any other nation, to oppose the natural and 
inevitable progress of the United States, by planting rival 
posts either on the continent or islands adjacent, will only tend 
to an earlier development of our resources, and consequently 
will accelerate the epoch when the power of our republic will 
be felt and acknowledged over the western hemisphere. 

East and West Florida must be incorporated in our federa- 
tive states, either by treaty or conquest. We have already 
experienced the fatal consequences of permitting that section of 
the continent to be held by nations hostile to our interests and 
jealous of our prosperity. Our citizens on the frontiers of 
Georgia and Louisiana, must no longer be exposed to inva- 
sion and massacre, in consequence of the impotence and dis- 
positions of a neutral power in the Floridas. The security of 
the vast commerce of the Mississippi, and the prosperity of 
our great western states, must not be jeopardised by allowing 
any foreign nation to possess the important maritime keys of 
East and West Florida. 

If Great Britain should hoist her royal banners -at Havana, 
and make it the depot of her navy, and the Gibraltar of the 
West Indies, we must then make Pensacola and Espiritu San- 
to our two great southern arsenals ; and if Ave are to become 
rivals for supremacy on the western shores of the Atlantic, 
then be it so. 

Before we close our remarks on this important subject, we 
deem it necessary to say a few words on the probability that 
Cuba will not remain long under any foreign flag, but will be- 
come an independent power, under the protection of the Uni- 
ted States. We know that this is the wish, and we are like- 
wise certain that it is the interest of the people of that island* 



ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 377 

It has not escaped the penetration of all the enlightened inha- 
bitants of Cuba, that Spain cannot protect them during war, 
and consequently they know that every war in which she may 
in future be engaged, exposes them not only to have their com- 
merce destroyed, but to invasion and conquest. Under these 
circumstances, independent of all political enmity to the go- 
vernment of Spain, the inhabitants of Cuba have no common 
interests with her. The products of the island are valuable 
in proportion as they can, without restriction, be sent to every 
part of the world; and the articles necessary for the subsist- 
ence and comfort of the inhabitants cannot be supplied from 
Spain, and therefore must be furnished by other nations. 

The city of Havana and its environs, at this day consume 
more flour and provisions, of the growth of the United States, 
than Jamaica, or any other island in the West Indies. One 
hundred and twenty thousand barrels of flour, besides an im- 
mense quantity of other provisions, are now annually carried 
to Havana from the United States. 

The enormous influx of negroes into the island of Cuba with- 
in the last few years, and the inattention of the planters to the 
culture of provisions, have rendered the island completely de- 
pendent on foreign supplies for the subsistence of the inhabi- 
tants. Suspend all commerce with Havana, by a strict block- 
ade of its port, for only four or five months, and the city with 
all its famous fortifications would be compelled to surrender, 
without firing a gun. 

The United States at present have a greater tonnage em- 
ployed in the trade to the island of Cuba, than to all the rest of 
the West India islands. From our proximity, as well as the 
enterprise of our citizens, and more especially from our being 
the great source from which must be derived flour and other 
provisions, we must always enjoy a considerable portion of its 
commerce. If it become independent, we shall be perfectly 
satisfied with such portion of the trade as will fall to our lot 
from the circumstances just suggested. We shall feel plea- 
sure in beholding the island in the enjoyment of an intercourse 
with all nations, giving to none anv exclusive privileges. 

(48) 



378 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

We do not hesitate to declare our wishes for the indepen- 
dence of Cuba ; because, as we know that Spain cannot possi- 
bly long retain it, without a navy, we certainly would rather 
see the island under a self-constituted government, than to be- 
hold it under the domination of a European power, jealous of 
our prosperity, and capable of seriously annoying the com- 
merce of our coasts. 

But it is to Mexico that we turn, and turn again, with fond 
delight. We invoke the reader to ponder what we have written 
of her present situation, of her capacity for future greatness, 
and of the career that she has yet to commence and run. For 
ourselves, we disguise not our admiration of her, we conceal 
not our affection for her. We have visited her, and we have 
found her sons our friends, our admirers, our disciples. We 
look towards her, and we see the day-spring of a glorious na- 
tional existence arising within her bounds : and vain will be 
the effort to obscure its light. It will lead her in the path of 
success. If cast down, Antaeus like she will rise again — if 
overpowered, her throes and struggles will convulse her terri- 
tory. Mexico will, she must be free. For the seeds of in- 
dependence have already been scattered there upon the moun- 
tain and in the vale : they are now germinating ; — they xv ill 
strike deep roots into the earth, for they are watered with the 
tears of oppressed millions ; — they will flourish till their 
strength shall laugh to scorn the fiercest blast of opposition ; 
and then, beneath the serene and cloudless sky of liberty, they 
will grow a beauteous grove, whose shade shall refresh no 
heads but those of Freemen. 



THE ENTJ. 



APPENDIX. 



STATEMENT 

OF 

THE CLAIMS OF W. B. ROBINSON 

UPON 

THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT. 

IN the year 1799, 1 visited the city of Caracas as a merchant, 
and presented letters of introduction to Don Manuel Guevara 
de Fazconcelos, captain general of Venezuela, and to Don Este- 
van Fernandez de Leon, intendant thereof. They received me 
in the most friendly manner, and each offered me his assistance 
and protection so long as it suited my convenience to remain in 
the country. 

At that period, the province of Venezuela was in a most deplo- 
rable condition. War existed between Great Britain and Spain; 
British cruisers blockaded all the ports ; and intercourse with the 
mother country was almost wholly suspended. The inhabitants 
were deficient in clothing, and in many of the necessaries of life ; 
the products of agriculture were rotting in the ware-houses ; in 
line, the want of external commerce had spread wretchedness and 
discontent thi'ough the province. 

The intendant, knowing that I was a citizen of the United 
States, and judging, from the respectable manner in which I had 
been introduced to him, that I might be able to suggest some 
plan, by which, through the medium of neutral commerce, the 
evils which so seriously oppressed the province might be reme- 
died, treated me with particular confidence; and, after various 
conferences, proposed to sell me forty thousand quintals of Va~ 
rinas tobacco, belonging to the crown of S/iain y then deposited, 



380 APPENDIX. 

as he stated, in the royal stores in various parts of the province. 
Many advantageous privileges, and flattering inducements to 
make the purchase, were held out to me by the intendant, pro- 
vided that I would engage to introduce into Venezuela, in a short 
time, certain articles which were then indispensably necessary 
for its welfare. 

The magnitude of the undertaking, and the difficulty of exe- 
cuting it during the war then existing between England and Spain, 
were deliberately weighed ; but, as I had commercial connexions 
upon whose assistance I could confidently depend, I resolved on 
embarking in the speculation ; and accordingly, after several ver- 
bal and written discussions between myself and the intendant, 
all the essential and preparatory points being settled, on the 5th 
of September, 1799, a contract was signed, by which the inten- 
dant, in the name and by -virtue of the sfiecial authority of his 
Catholic majesty, sold me the whole of the Farinas tobacco then 
in the province, as well as the crops of the three following years. 
On my part, I was bound to pay for, and export, this tobacco 
Avithin three years, in the mode prescribed by the stipulations of 
the contract. I was likewise bound to procure the house of the 
American consul at Curacoa, trading under the firm of Phillips ijf 
Corser, to become my securities for the due execution of the 
contract. This security was duly given, and the said house of 
Phillips Sc Corser likewise became parties interested in the con- 
tract. 

The privileges secured to me, by the stipulated terms, were 
more ample than any that had ever before been conceded to a 
foreigner. The jealousy of the Spanish merchants at Caracas 
was therefore excited. Although these men were absolutely in- 
capable of relieving the wants of the province, or his Catholic 
majesty's treasury, yet their selfish and contracted dispositions 
would not allow them to view without discontent the probability 
that a foreigner might reap advantage from so extensive a com- 
mercial speculation. They adopted every possible expedient, 
through their agents at Cadiz, to prevent the contract from re- 
ceiving the royal sanction. But their exertions were ineffectual ; 
for, in a few months, the ratification of the contract by his Catho- 
lic majesty was transmitted to the intendant; who was directed, 
at the same time, to afford me every possible facility in the exe- 
cution of the same. 



APPENDIX. 381 

Another obstacle to the completion of the contract was created 
by the marquis Casa Yrujo, then ambassador of Spain in the 
United States. The marquis had received letters, a long time 
previous to the formation of the contract into which I entered, 
from the intendant of Caracas, requesting him to take preliminary 
measures with the merchants in the United States, relative to the 
disposal of the aforesaid tobacco; but reserving the ratification of 
those measures until they should receive his approbation. The 
marquis, in his zeal to promote the interests of his Catholic ma- 
jesty, entered into absolute contracts with the houses of John 
Craig of Philadelphia, and James Barry of Baltimore, in the 
month of July, 1799; and with the house of John Juhel & Co. of 
New York, in the month of August of the same year; whereby 
the tobacco was to be taken from Caracas to the United States, 
and thence to Holland and Hamburgh, on account of the Spanish 
government^ but to be covered as American propetty. The 
correspondence on that subject between the marquis Casa Yrujo 
and the intendant of Caracas, and the contracts formed by the 
marquis with the houses before mentioned, were furnished me at 
Caracas, and I now possess authentic copies of all those singular 
documents. Without ti'oubling the reader with a detailed account 
of these papers, I deem it necessary to observe, that from the 
conditions of the contracts, his Catholic majesty would have re- 
ceived far less than one hundred thousand dollars neat proceeds 
from the same quantity of tobacco for which I have paid upwards 
of eight hundred thousand dollars into his treasury. This will 
not appear extraordinary to the mercantile world, when I state, 
that according to the marquis's contracts, the houses before men-- 
tioned were to receive as high as twelve dollars, and in no in- 
stance less than ten and a half dollars freight per bai'rel, for car- 
rying this tobacco from Caracas to Eui'ope. Insurance was to be 
eifected on the property, and charged to the account of his Ca- 
tholic majesty. Commissions were likewise to be allowed these 
houses, on the arrival of the tobacco in the United States ; and 
commissions were to be paid to the agents sent out to Caracas to 
receive the tobacco. Certain privileges were also granted to the 
vessels employed in this business; and, in short, the whole of his 
Catholic majesty' 's tobacco would scarcely have sufficed to pay the 
freight and other charges, which the marquis had generously 
guarantied in his contracts. 



382 APPENDIX. 

In virtue of these strange arrangements, the before mentioned 
American houses actually despatched several ships and brigs to 
La Guyra, where they arrived just as I had concluded the contract 
with the intendant. Although the intendant at once perceived 
the very great difference in favour of the royal treasury between 
the engagements he had entered into with me, and those which 
the marquis had formed, — notwithstanding that personage had 
undertaken to make positive engagements without waiting for 
the intendant's approbation, yet it was with difficulty that I could 
persuade him to declare null and void the whole of the marquis's 
contracts. I understand that the marquis made loud complaints 
to his court, accompanied by heavy demands on the part of the 
individuals with whom he had contracted. 

Having surmounted these obstacles which had arisen in the 
early stages of the business, and having delivered to the intendant, 
in the latter part of the year 1799 and in the beginning of 1800, 
a considerable amount in those articles most needed by the pro- 
vince, I proceeded to the United States, and thence to London, 
Hamburgh, and Amsterdam, in order to make the necessary ar- 
rangements for the speedy fulfilment of my engagements. 

Having introductory letters to some respectable capitalists of 
those cities, and as the contract itself was a document calculated 
to command particular attention, from the circumstance of the 
good faith of the Spanish government being solemnly pledged to 
its faithful execution, I found no difficulty in obtaining the neces- 
sary capital. The house of John & Abram Atkins, of London, 
furnished two ships, with valuable cargoes, on the faith of the 
contract. Other houses, at Hamburgh, Amsterdam, and Embden, 
likewise furnished cargoes to a great amount. Several houses in 
the United States also entered into similar an-angements with me. 

The whole of this property was faithfully delivered, in the 
course of three or four years, to the royal treasury at Caracas ; 
the amount of which was nearly nine hundred thousand dollars, 
as is proved by the account current rendered me by the ministers 
of the tobacco department in 1803, and by other official docu- 
ments now in my possession. The merchandise thus delivered 
consisted of the choicest articles that had ever been introduced 
into Spanish America ; and the prices stipulated in the contract 
for said merchandise were so moderate as to enable the intendant 
to sell them to the inhabitants of the province at an immense 



APPENDIX. 383 

profit. For the sale of these goods, the intendant appointed ad- 
ministrators, auditors, treasurers, Sec.; in fact, he created a new 
department, under his sole patronage. But notwithstanding that 
all these individuals employed therein did not lose sight of their 
own interests, yet the ultimate profit, accruing to the royal trea- 
sury, was very great. 

- While the revenue was thus in the receipt of above a million 
of dollars, and while the intendant was laying a foundation at court 
for future promotion and honours in recompense for the great 
services he had rendered his Catholic majesty's treasury, the 
tobacco contractors, and the foreign merchants who had so libe- 
rally supported them, became victims to his rapacity, ambition, 
and bad faith. Were the various instances of exaction and injus- 
tice practised by this man to be related, they would scarcely be 
deemed credible ; but as I have all the documents necessary to 
establish the facts, I shall, at some future time, publish the ex- 
traordinary detail, in order that the meixantile world may see 
what acts of baseness can be perpetrated by the royal authorities 
in Spanish America, when foreign property unfortunately falls 
within their grasp. 

There is, however, one circumstance in this business so pecu- 
liarly stamped with iniquity, that I will here briefly state it. It 
was mentioned in the contract, that some part of the forty thou- 
sand quintals of tobacco was partially injured by worms, but ne- 
vertheless I was to receive it, provided it was in a merchantable 
state. It was, however, expressly stipulated that the whole of 
the tobacco should be of good quality, (buena calidad,) and it was- 
with that view that I procured an article to be inserted which 
required that I should be furnished with the crops of the three 
years following . the date of the contract, so as to complete the 
quantity of forty thousand quintals of « buena calidad." Indeed, 
when forming the contract, the idea never presented itself to my 
mind, that in a solemn engagement, for the performance of which 
the good faith and honour of a nation were pledged, rotten tobacco 
would be offered me in payment for so large an amount of money 
furnished to the royal treasury : but, to my utter astonishment, 
and to the ruin of myself and associates, such was the disgraceful 
fact ; for when my agents at Porto Cavello, at La Guyra, at Cu- 
mana, and at Guyana, received the tobacco, they found more than 
four-fifths of it, not in a state of partial deterioration, but absolutehr 



384 APPENDIX. 

rotten and unmerchantable. So soon as I was made acquainted 
with the fact, I entered a legal protest, and resisted the receipt of 
the worthless commodity. I remonstrated in strong terms with 
the intendant, and prayed he would pay me in some other produce 
of the country. My remonstrances were either disregarded, or, if 
answered, it was to inform me that my language was too strong; 
that his Catholic majesty's authorities must be addressed by sup- 
plication! and, finally, I was informed, that it was not convenient 
for the royal treasury to pay me in any other commodity than in 
the tobacco then existing, and that I must receive the whole of it, 
in whatever condition it might be found. If my previous remon- 
strances were deemed too strong, they were now called insulting, 
because, unable longer to restrain my indignation at such out- 
rageous injustice, I did not hesitate to accuse the intendatit of 
palpably fraudulent conduct. He continued to menace me, while 
I persevered in my accusations, until finally I commenced against 
him and his government a judicial process, under all the disad- 
vantages and obstacles naturally attending the claim of a foreigner 
placed in such a dilemma in Spanish America. 

While this lawsuit was progressing, I endeavoured to prevail 
on the supercargoes, captains, and agents, not to receive any of 
the rotten tobacco, but to return to England and to the United 
States with the contract vessels in ballast. In some instances, 
my wishes were acceded to, and the vessels departed without 
lading, after making the proper protests : but generally the par- 
ties preferred taking cargoes of the tobacco, in the hope that 
some portion of it would be saleable in Europe. The result was 
(as I had anticipated) that several of those cargoes sold at Ham- 
burgh and Amsterdam for less than was sufficient to defray the 
expenses of freight and other incidental charges. The original 
capital furnished by the parties in Europe was not only all lost, 
but in some cases that loss was increased by the expenses, 
amounting to more than the proceeds of the tobacco. 

Thus were my associates and myself sacrificed : my credit was 
destroyed,' — my prospects in life were blasted, and those who had 
confided in the honour of the Spanish government, and in my 
representations, seriously injured or entirely ruined, by the bad 
faith and iniquitous conduct of Don Estevan Fernandez de Leon, 
superintendant general of his Catholic majesty's province of Ve- 
nezuela. 



APPENDIX. 385 

It is not easy to estimate the extent of such injuries, not merely 
as they affect the immediate interests of individuals, but in regard 
to the irreparable wounds they inflict on mercantile character; 
and it is in this latter point of view that the parties concerned 
c*n receive no adequate redress, even should the Spanish govern- 
ment refund every dollar of principal and interest which it has so 
unjustly and shamefully withheld for eighteen years. 

To the preceding outline of the injuries received by me from 
the Spanish government up to the period at which I commenced 
legal proceedings against the intendant, I have now to detail out- 
rages of a more flagrant nature, exercised towards my person as 
well as my interests. 

In prosecuting the lawsuit, I was impeded at every step by 
obstacles almost insurmountable. To those who are unacquaint- 
ed with the formalities attending a Spanish lawsuit, the arbitrary 
character of Spanish tribunals, and the enormous expenses of 
Spanish litigation, it is scarcely possible to convey an adequate 
idea of the difficulty of the task I had undertaken. It was neces- 
sary not only to contend against the intendant and the officers in 
the tobacco department, but against the whole phalanx of indivi- 
duals within the sphere of their influence. My rightful demands- 
were not only opposed by sophistry and falsehood, but I was 
even threatened with expulsion from the country if I persisted in 
urging them. These threats wei^e treated with scorn; and indeed, 
as I had been ruined in my interests, I was indifferent to personal 
outrage; more especially as I knew that the execution of such 
menaces would strengthen my case, when it should become ne- 
cessary for me to implore the protection and interference of my 
government. I was perfectly aware, that by the treaty then ex- 
isting between Spain and the United States, my rights were un- 
der its guardianship ; and had I not produced a copy of that trea- 
ty, and insisted on the benefit of those stipulations whereby the 
courts of the respective nations were thrown open to the subjects 
of each, in all cases of debt, demand, &c, I should certainly have 
been ordered out of the country. But the intendant thenceforth 
became more cautious; and, although at first he denied the exist- 
ence of the treaty, alleging that the copy I presented was not 
genuine, yet he subsequently admitted its authenticity, and I was 
permitted to proceed with my suit against the royal treasury. 
(4-9) 



386 APPENDIX. 

But the most important difficulty I had to contend against was 
a decree of the intendant, whereby he refused to admit in evi- 
dence any memorial or document relating to my demands, un- 
less it was sanctioned by the signature of some respectable law- 
yer of the city. Some of those professional men declined af- 
fixing their names to my representations, because the argu- 
ments therein used, and the documents annexed, contained truths 
fatal to the honour and reputation of the intendant) and inju- 
rious to the interests of the royal revenue. They in general 
trembled at the idea of incurring the intendant's displeasure : but 
at length I succeeded in inducing some of the most distinguished 
lawyers in Caracas to examine my papers and to espouse my 
cause, particularly Doctor Don Jose Mora, a man renowned for 
his talents. My principal memorial in this affair, which was 
drawn up by doctor Mora with great ability, and accompanied by 
all the proper documents, cost me the sum of one thousand dol- 
lars for his signature, as is proved by examining his charges at 
the foot of the memorial. 

The representation in question was presented, with every legal 
requisite, to the intendant, on the 17th of January, 1804. The 
amount of my claims, for the violation of the contract, against the 
royal treasury, thus legally stated by doctor Mora, was jive hun- 
dred and sixty-four thousand three hundred and twenty -seven 
dollars. In my own statement, which I had previously present- 
ed, on the 24th of September, 1803, to the intendant, my demand 
for balance of account and losses amounted to four hundred and 
sixty-four thousand two hundred dollars ; but doctor Mora aug- 
mented the sum by charging interest and damages, which I had 
omitted, and which, indeed, I would even then have very cheer- 
fully relinquished, could I have been reimbursed the principal. 

The reimbursement of a sum of such magnitude was not to be 
expected without a serious contest, more especially as it would 
have been an acknowledgment on the part of the Spanish autho- 
rities, of their previous fraudulent conduct ; but nevertheless, 
neither the tribunal of the intendancy,the director general of the 
tobacco rents, nor the administrators of that department, ever at- 
tempted legally to invalidate a single item in the account pre- 
sented, annexed to doctor Mora's memorial. All they had to 
say, consisted in denouncing vengeance against the doctor, for 



APPENDIX. 387 

having dared to sustain the demands of a stranger against the in- 
terests of the crown, and threatening me with expulsion from the 
country if I persisted in the lawsuit. I persevered, however, 
with an obstinacy which excited their alarm as well as displeasure, 
because I was gradually obtaining new proofs to sustain my ori- 
ginal demands. 

In the course of the year 1803, there arrived at Caracas a new 
intendant, to take the place of Don Estevan Fernandez de Leon, 
who was called to Madrid. This was a fortunate circumstance 
for me, because, had De Leon remained in office, I never could 
have obtained either originals or copies of various documents, 
which were important for the establishment of my claims ; but the 
new intendant, with a liberality (which I now feel great pleasure 
in stating) rarely to be met with among the Spanish authorities 
in Amei'ica, gave an attentiA-e ear to my remonstrances, and fur- 
nished me with authentic copies, from the archives of the inten- 
dancy, of such papers as I solicited. He did not attempt to de- 
fend the conduct of his predecessor, but, on the contrary, so well 
convinced was he of the force and equity of my demands, and so 
sensible of the injuries I had received in my various transactions 
with his government, that while I was prosecuting my lawsuit he 
showed every disposition to render me justice, consistent with his 
duty to defend the interests of his sovereign. 

Thus has the reader been presented with an account of but 
part of the accumulated and aggravated injuries which I receiv- 
ed from the Spanish authorities in Venezuela. The recital ends 
not here. Indeed it would seem that to enter into engagements 
with the Spanish government, was, as far as concerned myself, to 
become the victim of its perfidiousness and injustice. For r during 
the period when I was carrying on the operations of the tobacco 
contract, I was appointed by Edward Barry and Company, of the 
island of Trinidad, their sole agent to execute certain important 
privileges which had been granted to them by the crown of Spain. 
This agency was of high importance to me, inasmuch as I be- 
came a partner with the said Barry and Company ; and having 
suffered so seriously by the tobacco contract, and being uncertain 
as to the species of redress that would be ultimately afforded by 
his Catholic majesty for the losses and injuries I had sustained, I 
was anxious to adopt any new operations in commerce that af- 
forded a prospect of lessening my misfortunes. 



388 APPENDIX. 

Previous to the arrival of the intendant Arce, the government 
had recognised me as the agent of Barry and Company, and I 
was in a fair way of speedily retrieving some part of my recent 
losses. But between the captain general and intendant there 
arose conflicting opinions about my residence in the country, and 
whether or not, as a stranger, I could enjoy the privileges which 
the king had granted to Edward Barry and Company. The re- 
sult of the disputes between the two officers, was a suspension of 
Barry and Company's contract, until his Catholic majesty should 
be consulted ; of course all the arrangements I had made to car- 
ry said contract into effect, were suddenly interrupted, thereby 
creating serious losses, and affording me new grounds of demands 
against the government, in addition to those which were pending 
on account of the tobacco contract. 

On the 19th of September, 1803, I presented a memorial to 
the intendant, setting forth the injuries that would inevitably re- 
sult to my interests and character, by the unjust and extraordina- 
ry decrees of the captain general, as well as those of the intendan- 
ey; and I demanded the immediate revocation of those decrees, 
or an indemnification for the losses I had sustained. The inten- 
dant and his assesor (legal adviser) were so well satisfied of the 
correctness of the facts set forth in the memorial just mentioned, 
and being desirous not to give me any new motives of complaint, 
that they promptly determined to grant me a liberal indemnity, 
and accordingly, on the 9th of November, 1803, the intendant 
passed a decree granting me some highly important privileges, 
particularly specifying that such privileges were granted me as 
an indemnification for the injuries I had sustained by the suspen- 
sion of Barry and Company's contract. This indemnity had no 
relation to my pending demands on account of the tobacco con- 
tract ; but as I feared it might hereafter be interpreted as a re- 
linquishment of my claims, I requested and obtained from the in- 
tendant an express declaration to the contrary. 

The most important point in this indemnity was, that the in- 
tendant agreed to sell me a large quantity of tobacco, at five dol- 
lars per quintal, in consequence of its being of inferior quality. 
This tobacco was exactly of the same quality as that which the 
intendant De Leon had compelled me to receive on account of 
the tobacco contract, at the rate of seventeen, nineteen, and twen- 
ty dollars per quintal, and indeed a large portion of that very to- 



APPENDIX. 389 

bacco which I had rejected, constituted a part of the present sale. 
I had then an indisputable and solemn official acknowledgment of 
its deteriorated condition, by its being valued by the royal autho- 
rities, and resold to me vlfve dollars per quintal. 

This act of the new intendant was in itself of more value to me 
than all the privileges conceded to me in the indemnity in ques- 
tion, because it furnished me with an unequivocal and irresistible 
proof of the extent of the fraud which had been practised upon 
me by the intendant Leon, in having insisted on my receiving 
worm eaten tobacco, at seventeen, nineteen, and twenty dollars, 
which was afterwards valued by the tobacco administration at 
five dollars per quintal. This circumstance, united with other 
considerations, induced me to be highly satisfied with the indem- 
nity, inasmuch as it gave me a hope of not only repairing some 
of my losses, but of proving to his Catholic majesty and the su- 
perior tribunals at Madrid, the services I had rendered to the 
royal treasury, and the injuries I had suffered by my contract 
with De Leon. 

The captain general made some difficulties about granting his 
assent to the indemnity, but at length acquiesced, and transmit- 
ted the necessary orders to all the commandants of the different 
ports in Venezuela, to throw no impediment in my way, at the 
same time that he informed the intendant and myself, that he 
should communicate his objections to his Catholic majesty against 
allowing any stranger to enjoy such privileges as had been con- 
ceded to me by the intendant. As I had suffered severely from 
the collision of opinion in the Spanish authorities, and as I knew 
that every species of intrigue would be employed in Caracas, and 
perhaps in Cadiz, to prevent my enjoying the fruits of the indem- 
nity, I resolved on acting with caution in my mercantile arrange- 
ments, until I ascertained whether his Catholic majesty sanction- 
ed or rejected the arrangement which the intendant had made. 

On the 25th of August, 1804, the indemnity in question re- 
ceived the royal approbation, and the minister Soler, under that 
date, transmitted the royal order to the intendant. On the arri- 
val of this important document at Caracas, it was immediately 
communicated to me officially, by the intendant. I was thus inspir- 
ed with new confidence, and made my arrangements accordingly. 

Scarcely had I begun to carry into effect this flattering indem- 



390 APPENDIX. 

nity, when I again became a victim to new outrages, not only 
against my interests, but my person. 

On the 29th of August, 1805, the captain general communi- 
cated his determination to the intendant, not to permit the exe- 
cution of the indemnity which had been conceded to me, alleging 
that he had (or denes reservados ) secret orders from his court, 
which justified this extraordinary determination. The intendant, 
in a firm and indignant manner, opposed this resolution, and stat- 
ed to the captain general the serious consequences that would 
follow to the injury of a stranger, who had rendered important ser- 
vices to the Spanish government, and already had heavy pending 
claims upon the royal treasury, and he urged the consideration, 
that as his Catholic majesty had given express orders for the 
strict fulfilment of the indemnity conceded to me, it would endan- 
ger the honour and good faith of the king, to violate engage- 
ments which had been thus solemnly entered into. In vain the 
intendant protested against the arbitrary conduct of the captain 
general, and in vain I implored the latter at least to permit me 
to pursue my operations under the indemnity, until we heard fur- 
ther from his Catholic majesty. To all these just remonstrances 
and petitions he was deaf, and in fact issued orders to the com- 
mandants of the ports not to permit a single vessel to enter under 
my contract. Thus far the captain general's arbitrary and un- 
just measures affected only my interests, but on the 7th of Janu- 
ary, 1806, he issued a decree commanding me to leave the pro- 
vince immediately. On receiving notice of this decree, I waited 
on his excellency, and requested him to state to me his reasons 
for thus precipitately expelling me from the country. He repli- 
ed, that he did not feel himself at liberty to state any reasons, 
further than his having received orders from the Prince of Peace 
to send away every foreigner, without any exception, from the 
Spanish dominions under his control. I asked him if he had any 
special orders respecting me ? He replied, No ; but that he con- 
ceived me to be included in the general instructions he had re- 
ceived. He permitted me to enter into a friendly expostulation 
with him, wherein I endeavoured to convince him that it was 
impossible that his Catholic majesty could have intended to 
comprehend me in the orders which had been transmitted by the 
Prince of Peace, more especially as my residence in Caracas had 



APPENDIX. 391 

been specially sanctioned by his majesty's approbation. I urged 
upon his attention all the services I had rendered his government, 
and the serious claims I had then pending. He replied, with 
great urbanity, that he was perfectly sensible of the force of all I 
said, and professed to be sincerely sorry for the peculiar hard- 
ships of my case, but that if I suffered in my interests, the door 
was always open for me to obtain redress, through the honour 
and justice of his sovereign ; and whatever might be the conse- 
quences, he had made up his mind to compel me to depart from 
the country, and particularly as he had reason to doubt whether 
I was a citizen of the United States or not. On his making 
this remark, I replied that it was in my power to furnish him. 
with undeniable evidence of my being a native of the United 
States ; that, in particular, in all the public documents, since 
the year 1799, when I first entered the province, I had been 
recognised as a citizen of the United States ; and that, in vir- 
tue of being such, the intendant De Leon had entered into a con- 
tract with me, during the late war between Great Britain and 
Spain. He then replied, with a good deal of petulance, " Well, 
it may be so, but as you cannot pursue your commercial opera- 
tions but by an intercourse with English subjects, it is danger- 
ous to his Catholic majesty's interests that you should remain 
here, there/ore you must depart." I attempted to repel this un- 
generous and unfounded suspicion, by showing that the disputes 
with Spain and Great Britain ought not to endanger my interests 
and personal rights as a citizen of the United States ; and I fur- 
ther stated, that even if a war were declared between Spain and 
my own country, there was a special provision in a treaty exist- 
ing between the two nations, whereby the respective subjects and 
citizens of each should be allowed one year from the date of a de- 
claration of war, to remove their persons and effects from the re- 
spective dominions of either power; and of course that it was 
cruel to place me in a worse predicament, in consequence of hos- 
tilities with Great Britain, than I should have been in even in the 
event of a war between Spain and the United States. To all 
these arguments and expostulations his excellency finally answer- 
ed, " You must depart ; and if you do not immediately acquiesce, 
you shall be expelled the country by force." 

I then requested, as a favour, that I might be permitted to pre- 
sent a memorial to him, which should embrace the same argu- 



392 APPENDIX. 

merits I had verbally stated, as I Avished to possess some docu- 
ment to prove that I had in due season represented for his con- 
sideration what I deemed necessary in defence of my interests 
and personal rights ; and I likewise desired, that should he decree 
any thing with respect to said memorial, that he would furnish 
me with an authentic copy of such decree. His excellency hesi- 
tated for a few minutes, but at length said that he would comply 
with my wishes, provided the memorial were presented the next 
day. Availing myself of this permission, I delayed presenting 
my representation until I should again hear from his excellency, 
hoping to collect all my papers together in the meantime, and to 
make the best arrangements in my power preparatory to my ex- 
pulsion from the country. 

On the 18th of January, 1806, I laid my memorial before the 
captain general, which caused him to hesitate for several days 
before he finally determined to use forcible means to compel my 
departure, as I had solemnly declared that nothing but force 
should induce me to abandon my interests. He consulted the 
tribunal of the real audiencia, and some of the most distinguished 
lawyers of Caracas, on the subject. Some of them advised him 
to take no decisive steps until he should receive further instruc- 
tions from Madrid ; others counselled him to expel me without 
hesitation; while some of the merchants in Caracas, who had 
always been hostile to my views, endeavoured to persuade him 
that my mercantile connexions with British subjects were dan- 
gerous to the safety of the province. 

On the 1 6th of February, the captain general sent his adjutant 
to inform me that I must depart for La Guyra, and embark in the 
first vessel that should leave that port. I requested the adjutant 
to inform his excellency that I still adhered to my resolution of 
remaining in the country until compulsion should force me to 
quit it. A few hours subsequently, I called on the captain gene- 
ral, who received me with his usual urbanity. With great good 
humour, the old gentleman shook me by the hand, wished me a 
pleasant voyage, and informed me that a military escort was then 
at the door, with orders to conduct me to La Guyra. I requested 
permission to return with his adjutant to my place of residence, 
in order that I might procure my clothes and papers ; which he 
granted. After having collected my papers, the adjutant insisted 
that I should return with him to the captain general, in order to 



APPENDIX. 393 

submit them to his inspection. I accordingly complied; but his 
excellency declined making such examination, and censured his 
officer for having suggested the idea. The last words he said to 
me were; " I regret, sir, that the orders which I have received 
from the Prince of Peace have compelled me to expel you from 
the province under my command ; but I thank you, in the name 
of my sovereign, for the services you have rendered our govern- 
ment, and the inhabitants of Venezuela, during the time you 
have been among us." I bade his excellency adieu, and proceed- 
ed to La Guyra, accompanied by the adjutant and a guard. 

On the 21st of February, the commandant of La Guyra sent a 
notary to acquaint me that a Danish schooner, called the Maria, 
was to sail the next day for St. Thomas's, and that if I did not vo- 
luntarily embark in said vessel, he had orders from the captain 
general to adopt compulsory measures. I answered, that I would 
not embark in the schooner, nor in any other vessel, but by com- 
pulsion. Accordingly, on the following day, (February 22, 1806,) 
I was conducted to the wharf by a military guard, attended by 
notaries, and a cavalcade of officers and inhabitants. The officer 
ordered me into the boat, and continued with me until he saw me 
on board the schooner, and the vessel under sail. 

Thus was I forcibly expelled from his Catholic majesty's pro- 
vince of Venezuela, after having rendered the services to the 
royal treasury and to the country, before stated. And thus was 
the suit then pending for the violation of my tobacco contract, 
at once cut short; while the indemnity itself, granted for injuries 
done to me, became of none effect. 

A few hours previous to my embarcation, I entered a solemn 
protest against the proceedings of the captain general, his go- 
vernment, and all those who were in any way concerned in these 
outrages on my interests and person. 

The papers which I succeeded in taking away with me, were 
as follows: Copy of the protest at La Guyra; original contracts 
respecting the Farinas tobacco; my correspondence with the in' 
tendant, and with the captain general ; notarial copies of the pro- 
ceedings in the suit against the royal treasury ; indemnity grant- 
ed me by the intendant ; royal order of his Catholic majesty, 
approving of that indemnity ; powers of attorney from, and 
agreement with Edward Barry and Company, of the island of 
Trinidad ; decrees of the captain general and intendant, atitho- 
(50) 



394 APPENDIX. 

rizing me to execute the privileges granted by his Catholic ma- 
jesty to the said Edward Barry and Company ; subsequent de- 
crees of the captain general, suspending and violating his previ- 
ous decrees; proofs of the amount of property delivered by me to 
the royal treasury, on the faith of my first contract for forty 
thousand quintals of tobacco ; unquestionable proofs that the in- 
tendant De Leon, at the time that he made the contract, (Septem- 
ber 5, 1799, J well knew that the whole of the said tobacco was 
deteriorated and rotten, thereby committing an enormous and 
deliberate fraud, compromising the honour of his Catholic majes- 
ty, and wantonly ruining those who had unfortunately relied on 
the good faith of the Spanish government. All these important 
documents are now in my possession. 

Upon my arrival at St. Thomas's, I wrote to the ambassador of 
the United States at Madrid, transmitting through him a memo- 
rial to his Catholic Majesty, setting forth the wrongs I had suf- 
fered, accompanied by a notarial copy of the protest I made at 
La Guyra, on the 21st of February, 1806. I have reason to be- 
lieve that the memorial was duly presented to the king ; and I 
received information, toward the end of the year 1807, that his 
Catholic majesty had been pleased to pass a royal order, repri- 
manding the captain general for his precipitate and unjust con- 
duct towards me, and commanding the intendant, in case I should 
return to Caracas, to permit me to carry into effect the indemnity 
which had been granted me. 

At the period when this intelligence reached me, my mercan- 
tile affairs were so much embarrassed, and my credit had received 
so severe a shock from the unfortunate issue of my previous 
transactions with the Spanish government, that it was impossible 
for me to make any further use of the indemnity in question; and 
in addition to this, I was so disgusted at the recollection of the 
perfidy and injury I had already experienced from the Spanish 
authorities at Caracas, that I felt a repugnance to place my per- 
son or interests a second time within the sphere of their power. 
Under these circumstances, the information respecting the royal 
order was a matter of indifference to me ; and I resolved to pro- 
ceed to Spain, and lay my case before the superior tribunals at 
Madrid. But while I was making arrangements for that purpose, 
the revolution of 1808 broke out in Spain; and the unsettled state 
of the government for several subsequent years rendered it un- 



APPENDIX. 395 

advisable to make any attempts to prosecute my claim, until the 
affairs of the kingdom should assume some degree of order and 
stability. I therefore concluded to let them remain in " statu 
quo," until the period might arrive when the intervention of my 
own government should make it expedient to revive the claims. 

It is not for me to say, in what manner, if at all, our govern- 
ment ought to interfere ; but it is believed that it is not hazarding 
much to say, that in the long catalogue of injuries received by 
American citizens from the Spanish government, there does not 
exist a single case, either in point of magnitude or outrage, as a 
parallel to the one just detailed, or which, in the humble opinion 
of the writer, more loudly calls for the protection and investiga- 
tion of the government of the United States. 

It will be clearly perceived, from the foregoing statement, that 
all my commercial transactions in Venezuela directly emanated 
from the highest Spanish authorities; that the contracts were 
made on account of the Spanish government, and, together with 
the privileges and indemnities conceded to me, were sanctioned 
by the approval of his Catholic majesty; that all the injuries my 
interests received, and the outrages exercised against my person, 
were directly caused by the acts of the Spanish authorities; and, 
finally, that my forcible expulsion from Caracas, by the despotic 
conduct of the captain general, was a manifest infraction of the 
treaty then existing between Spain and the United States. An 
infraction of the treaty ! Can an American citizen seek redress 
from Spain for such a wrong ? — or must he not rather look to that 
benignant power which like a kind pai-ent encircles all its objects 
within its arms, and feels an outrage committed upon them thrill- 
ing its own heart's blood ? To my government I do look Avith 
confidence ; for is it possible that I can obtain reparation from a 
government that has acted as that of Spain has invariably acted 
towards all our citizens who for the last twenty-five years have 
had any claims against it ? Has there been a solitary instance, 
within that time, of compensation being afforded for injury, ex- 
cepting in the case of our fellow-citizen, Richard W. Meade Esq.? 
— and even in his case, do we not know that the energetic inter- 
ference of the American government alone prevented new out- 
rages against his person and interests ? These are important 
facts, known to every one who has paid the least attention to the 
conduct of the Spanish government towards our citizens, ever 



396 APPENDIX. 

r i 

since the period of the violation of the right of trading on the 
river Mississippi. 

Until, therefore, my case shall be honoured with the notice and 
protection of our government, I cannot hope to obtain reparation 
for my wrongs. The principal circumstances of the case have 
long since been made known to the executive of the United 
States, and to the American ministers at Madrid ; but as it is only 
within a few months past that I obtained possession of the papers 
and documents before mentioned, (which have been in keeping, 
in the island of St. Croix, for the last thirteen years,) I have 
never, until the present moment, been enabled to state the facts 
with precise accuracy, or to make a representation to our govern- 
ment with due formality, and supported by the proper proofs. 
Such a representation will now be made; and I flatter myself 
with the belief that it will be found worthy of the attention and 
interposition of the government of the United States. 



END OF APPENDIX, 

















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